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Abstract by the authors: The traditional welfare state, which emerged as a response to industrialization, is not well equipped to address the challenges of today's post-industrial knowledge economies. Experts and policymakers have therefore called for welfare state readjustment towards a ‘social investment’ model (focusing on human skills and capabilities). Under what conditions are citizens willing to accept such future-oriented reforms? We point at the crucial but hitherto neglected role of citizens’ trust in and satisfaction with government. Trust and satisfaction matter because future-oriented reforms generate uncertainties, risks and costs, which trust, and government satisfaction can attenuate. We offer micro-level causal evidence using experiments in a representative survey covering eight European countries and confirm these findings with European Social Survey data for 22 countries. We find that trust and government satisfaction increase reform support and moderate the effects of self-interest and ideological standpoints. These findings have crucial implications not least because they help explain why some countries manage – but others fail – to enact important reforms.
Abstract by the authors: Has the welfare state undergone significant retrenchment in the aftermath of the 2007–08 crackdown? In the literature, two contrasting views can be found. Some commentators argue that expansions that would otherwise be observed during crises have been suffocated due to the imperative of austerity. Other more optimistic assessments see social investment policies as having been experimented with in various places, alongside widespread retrenchment. In this paper, using an Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) database for 35 countries, we check these assessments by examining aggregate figures, such as the evolution—over the 2007–13 period—of social spending and its composition, the participation of social spending in public expenditure, the tax burden and tax composition and welfare state effectiveness. We document expansion in the OECD area alongside stable performance. However, important challenges persist.
Abstract by the authors: This article provides a conclusion to the EJSS Special Issue ‘Discussing strategies for Social Europe: The potential role of EU law in contributing to the Union’s policy objective of fighting poverty and social exclusion’. The contributions to this Special Issue raise a fundamental question: why did European governments fail to deliver on their promise, proclaimed with so much emphasis twenty years ago, to reduce poverty in Europe? It is too easy to say that the one and only problem was the non-binding nature of the social objectives of Lisbon and the antipoverty targets of Europe 2020. There is a broader challenge at the EU level, which goes beyond minimum income protection and directly involves crucial nuts and bolts of the whole welfare edifice: when confronted with severe economic and social shocks, welfare states need an adequate stabilization capacity. This implies that the European Monetary Union becomes a true ‘insurance union’. I argue that one should understand the relevance of the European Pillar of Social Rights from this perspective, and I relate that argument to the contributions to the Special Issue.
Abstract by the authors: Anti-poverty strategies have been on the EU agenda for decades. In 2010, perhaps most saliently, Member States pledged to lift 20 million people out of poverty as part of the ten-year Europe 2020 Strategy. By the end of 2019, it became clear that this headline target was nowhere close to being achieved. In view of the disappointing results of previous EU strategies in combating poverty, a seminar was held on 5 December 2019 at the University of Antwerp to discuss future strategies for social Europe and the role of EU law in contributing to the policy objective of fighting poverty and social exclusion. This Special Issue is the result of that expert seminar. Sections 1 and 2 of this editorial place this Special Issue in context by explaining what led us to discuss the need for a more involved EU in matters of poverty and social exclusion and what has changed since then. Overall, we argue that the underwhelming results of previous EU anti-poverty strategies might point towards the need to do more, also by means of EU law. This need for further action has become as imminent as ever in the context of the Covid-19 crisis. Section 3 presents an outline of the Special Issue and explains how the different contributions relate to each other.
Abstract by the authors: Previous research has shown a prevailing ‘modern gender gap’ in socio-political attitudes in advanced capitalist economies. While numerous studies have confirmed gender differences in attitudes towards the welfare state in Europe, few have addressed the reason for this rift in men’s and women’s views about the role of government in ensuring the general welfare of citizens. In this article, I examine the relationship between gender equality in unpaid labour, family policy and the gender gap in welfare state attitudes. Based on data from 21 countries participating in the European Social Survey (ESS) Round 4, and using a mix of country- and individual-level regression models and multilevel models, I find that there is a clear relationship between country-level gender equality in unpaid labour and gender differences in support of an encompassing welfare state. A more equal distribution of unpaid care and domestic work correlates with women being increasingly supportive of a large and encompassing welfare state, in comparison with men. This pattern holds when controlling for individual-level economic risk and resources, cultural factors such as trust and social values traditionally related to the support of an encompassing welfare state, and beliefs about welfare state efficiency and consequences for society in general. This pattern is evident for countries with a low level of familistic policies, while no distinguishable pattern is discernible for highly familistic countries. These findings have implications for the perception of gender as an emergent social cleavage with respect to welfare state attitudes. The results are discussed in the light of institutional theories on policy feedback, familism, social role theory and previous findings relating to modernization theory and ‘gender realignment’.
Abstract by the authors: This study investigates how support for Social Europe is related to citizens’ welfare attitudes. On the one hand, welfare attitudes can spill over from the national to the European level, given that Social Europe aims to achieve similar goals to those of national welfare states. On the other hand, support for the welfare state can be an obstacle, if citizens perceive the nation state and the European Union as competing or substituting governance levels. Using data from the 2014 Belgian National Election Study, we take a multidimensional approach to Social Europe, capturing attitudes toward social regulations, member state solidarity, European social citizenship, and a European social security system. Results demonstrate that citizens who are more positive about the welfare state are also more supportive of Social Europe. However, positive welfare attitudes do not affect all dimensions of Social Europe to the same extent. The spillover effect of support for basic welfare state principles is strongest for policy instruments of Social Europe that are less intrusive to national welfare states (EU social regulations). By contrast, welfare state critique has a stronger impact on support for more intrusive instruments (European social citizenship).
Abstract by the authors: Background: Improving the health and wellbeing of the oldest old population is a key public health policy concern considering the rapid aging of the world’s population. The purpose of this study was to investigate the impact of the welfare state on different aspects of mental wellbeing of the oldest old population in Europe. Several approaches to measure welfare state types were compared. Methods: The study used individual level data from Round 6 of the European Social Survey to measure six dimensions of mental wellbeing among the 80+ population including countries belonging to the European Union or European Economic Area. Welfare state types were measured using one welfare state- and three elderly care regime typologies, as well as three welfare state dimensions based on factor analyses of several welfare state characteristics. Welfare state impact on mental wellbeing was analysed by multilevel regression analyses, controlling for age and gender. Results: The preliminary results show that universalistic and service-based regimes, as e.g., Nordic countries, are associated with higher level of subjective wellbeing and social trust, but not psychological wellbeing, compared to family-based regimes with low formal support. East Europe have lower scores on all dimensions compared to Nordic countries. The welfare state dimension capturing prioritisation of health and social services and gender equality is positively associated with all wellbeing aspects, whereas the factors capturing labour market participation of seniors and income equality respectively, are only significantly associated with subjective wellbeing and social trust. Conclusions: The result point to caring approaches with high level of formal support and gender equalisation as key to enhance all aspects of mental wellbeing for the oldest old. Stimulating long duration of working life and reducing income inequalities have the potential to increase life satisfaction and happiness and social trust. Key messages: Welfare state matter for the mental wellbeing in the oldest old population. General measures, supporting formal care, labour market participation and income and gender equality will also benefit the oldest old.
Abstract by the authors: Background: Although the effects of individual-level factors on wellbeing change following work exit have been identified, the role of welfare-state variables at the country level has yet to be investigated. Methods: Data on 8037 respondents aged 50 years and over in 16 European countries were drawn from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (SHARE) and the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ELSA). We employed multilevel models to assess determinants of change in wellbeing following work exit, using CASP-12 change scores. After adjusting for institutionally defined route and timing of work exit, in addition to other individual-level variables, we tested country-level variables including welfare-state regime and measures of disaggregated welfare spending to determine their associations with wellbeing change and the proportion of between-country variance explained. Results: Individuals whose exit from paid work was involuntary or diverged from the typical retirement age experienced declines in wellbeing. Country effects accounted for 7% of overall variance in wellbeing change. Individuals residing in countries with a Mediterranean welfare regime experienced more negative changes in wellbeing, with a difference of –2.15 (–3.23, –1.06) CASP-12 points compared with those in Bismarckian welfare states. Welfare regime explained 62% of between-country variance. National per-capita expenditure on non-healthcare in-kind benefits (services) was associated with more positive wellbeing outcomes. Conclusions: National expenditure on in-kind benefits, particularly non-healthcare services, is associated with more favourable wellbeing change outcomes following work exit in early old age. Welfare-state effects explain the majority of between-country differences in change in wellbeing.
Abstract by the authors: The economic crisis and the unequal degree to which it has affected European Union (EU) member states have fuelled the debate on whether the EU should take responsibility for the living standards of European citizens. The current article contributes to this debate by investigating for the first time public support for an EU-wide minimum income benefit scheme. Through an analysis of data from the European Social Survey 2016, our results reveal that diverging national experiences and expectations are crucial in understanding why Europeans are widely divided on the implementation of such a benefit scheme. The analysis shows that (1) welfare state generosity and perceived welfare state performance dampen support, (2) those expecting that ‘more Europe’ will increase social protection levels are much more supportive, (3) the stronger support for a European minimum income benefit in less generous welfare states is explained by more optimistic expectations about the EU’s domestic impact and (4) lower socioeconomic status groups are more supportive of this policy proposal. These findings can be interpreted in terms of sociotropic and egocentric self-interests, and illustrate how (perceived) performance of the national welfare state and expectations about the EU’s impact on social protection levels shape support for supranational social policymaking.
Abstract by the authors: Energy poverty (EP) is defined as the inability of a household to secure a socially and materially required level of energy services in the home. The main objective of this study was to analyse the association between EP and distinct indicators of health status, health services utilisation and medication use in southern Europe, using the city of Barcelona as a case study. We conducted a cross-sectional study using the data of the Barcelona Health Survey for 2016 (n = 3519, 53.3% women). We calculated EP percentages according to age, country of birth and social class. We analysed the association between EP and 26 health-related indicators through prevalence ratios (PR) and quantified the impact of EP on health at the population level by calculating the percentage of population attributable risk (PAR%). In Barcelona, 13.3% of women and 11.3% of men experienced EP. The most frequently affected groups were people born in low- and middle-income countries, those from more disadvantaged social classes, and women aged 65 years and older. We found a strong association between EP and worse health status, as well as higher use of health services and medication. For example, compared with women without EP, those with EP reported poor mental health 1.9 (95% CI: 1.6–2.4) times more frequently. Compared with men without EP, those with EP reported poor mental health 2.1 (95% CI: 1.6–2.8) times more frequently. The combination of high EP prevalence and the strong association between EP and negative health outcomes resulted in high PAR%, indicating the striking impact of EP on health and health services at the population level. EP is an important public health problem in southern European urban contexts that should be included in policy priorities in order to address its structural causes and minimise its unfair and avoidable health effects.
Abstract by the authors: In this paper, we argue that the welfare state is an outcome of modern mass (total) warfare. The total war economy requires the participation of all citizens, erasing the differences between the military and citizens. Consequently, the war economy benefits from succoring the civilian population. The total war effect explains why a predatory state undertakes welfare programs, one of the contributions of the present paper. While the welfare state is closely related to total warfare, social welfare is not. Fraternal social welfare organizations in the United States predate the New Deal and the rise of welfare state. Similarly, the French welfare system was born as citizen welfare and not as state welfare. In fact, welfare programs were initiated in 1871 during the Paris Commune by workers under the name of la sociale and were recreated as self-managed citizen groups in 1945 before being displaced by government welfare programs. A second contribution of this paper is to explore the re-appropriation effect, or the way self-managed citizen welfare was transformed into a welfare state through a three-stage reform process manifesting itself in 1946, 1967 and 1996.
Abstract by authors: Nordic welfare states are known for their universalistic and all-encompassing approach to welfare and having a long tradition for active labour market policy as tool in economic crises with adverse impact on employment. They have had a long tradition for strong egalitarian approaches and their residents are consistently among the happiest in the world. A key issue is whether a crisis like the COVID-19 outbreak is changing the Nordic welfare states. This article focuses on providing a description of what instruments the Nordic countries have taken or expect to use as part of dealing with the welfare challenges resulting from rising unemployment and greater social and economic insecurity in the wake of the crisis. The tentative conclusion is that the crisis so far has strengthened key characteristics of the Nordic welfare states by the state taking on a strong central role not only for the functioning of the market but also continued in a path-dependent way with universal and relatively generous benefits such as for those who become unemployed or have reduced income because of the crisis.
Abstract by the authors: Many European high-income countries face a rapid increase in the number of immigrants from low- and middle-income countries reaching the normal pension age. Thus, it is increasingly relevant to ask: how are older migrants from such countries faring? Here we study poverty rates and determinants of poverty among natives and persons born in Bosnia, Iran, Iraq, Yugoslavia and Turkey living in Denmark or Sweden in 2010. Income data on all such persons aged 65–82 living in the two destination countries are analysed. In both Denmark and Sweden, we report much higher poverty rates among the immigrants studied than among natives. Estimated probability models show that being poor is related to a person’s education, family status and age, as well as year of arrival in the destination country and the labour market and his or her residential status at the age of 55. However, the labour market in the destination country at the time of arrival also matter. Persons born in Yugoslavia or Turkey who had immigrated to Denmark during the ‘70s and ‘80s were more likely to be in poverty in 2010 that their counterparts with the same characteristics who had immigrated to Sweden.
Abstract by the author: This paper studies the effect of income inequality and voters’ support for public spending on the choice of size of the welfare state. Based on new empirical findings showing that preferences for taxation depend on the nature of the policies financed with tax revenues (Barnes 2015, Ballard-Rosa 2016, Roosma 2016, and Berens 2019) I build a Downsian two-party political competition framework in which voters differ in both income (rich or poor) and ideology (liberal or conservative). Government provides two types of public services: one that increase the size of the welfare state and other that does not. Liberal (conservative) voters only care about the public service that increase (do not increase) the size of the welfare state. I find that the decisive voter and the size of the welfare state depends on both the level of income inequality and voters’ support for public spending. In particular, and different from the traditional models on redistributive politics (Romer 1975, Roberts 1977, and Meltzer 1981), I obtain that an increase in pretax income inequality may reduce the size of the welfare state chosen by majority voting.
Abstract by the authors: Set against the backdrop of the Great Recession, the paper explores the interplay of unemployment experiences and political trust in the USA and 23 European countries between 2002 and 2017. Drawing on harmonized data from the European Social Survey and the General Social Survey, we confirm that citizens’ personal experiences of unemployment depress trust in democratic institutions in all countries. Using multilevel linear probability models, we show that the relationship between unemployment and political trust varies between countries, and that, paradoxically, the negative effect of unemployment on political trust is consistently stronger in the more generous welfare states. This result holds while controlling for a range of other household and country-level predictors, and even in mediation models that incorporate measures of households’ economic situation to explain the negative effect of unemployment on trust. As expected, country differences in the generosity of welfare states are reflected in the degree to which financial difficulties are mediating the relationship between unemployment and political trust. Overlaying economic deprivation, however, cultural mechanisms of stigmatization or status deprivation seem to create negative responses to unemployment experiences, and these render the effect of unemployment on political trust increasingly negative in objectively more generous welfare states.
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