History of the Conference on the Future of Europe

The Conference on the Future of Europe is a joint undertaking of the European Parliament, the Council and the Commission to listen to Europeans in order for them to have their say on the future of Europe, through a citizen-led series of debates and discussions. The inaugural Plenary meeting of the Conference on the Future of Europe was held in Strasbourg on 19 June. It is of course not the first conference organized for improving the functioning and scope of a united Europe. For many years since the 1950s, the classical method that was adopted within the European Communities for the drafting of new texts and treaties was based on Intergovernmental Conferences. But diplomatic meetings and negotiations left little room for the aspirations and ideas of citizens. New models and procedures were then needed to ensure greater transparency and democratic legitimacy. In 2000, the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union was the result of an entirely novel drafting method. For the first time, European leaders decided to entrust drafting of the text to a working group that included representatives of the Heads of State or Government, the President of the European Commission, Members of the European Parliament and national parliamentarians. Three years later, the European Convention on the Future of Europe followed the same model. That’s the reason why the on-going Conference on the Future of Europe brings something new. It is indeed the first of its kind: as a major pan-European democratic exercise, it offers a new public forum for an open, inclusive, and transparent debate with citizens around a number of key priorities and challenges. Here below is a selection of e-books and articles dealing with all these experiences.

The Project for a Political Community (1952-54) by Rita Cardozo in:

Reflections for our time on the Messina Conference (June 1955-1996) by Gérard Bossuat in:

Messina, a method for the unity of Europe? Or how the French government was convinced to advance towards unity by Gérard Bossuat and
Dalla conferenza di Messina ai trattati di Roma by Enrico Serra in:

Les travaux du Comité Spaak (July 1955-April 1956) by Michel Dumoulin and
The European relaunch until the Messina conference by Pierre Gerbet in:

Impact of the ECSC Common Assembly on the politics, negotiation and content of the Rome Treaties; Christian Salm; Briefing: European Parliament History Series; March 2017

As the historical framework for the present-day European Union (EU), the Treaties of Rome, signed in March 1957 and establishing the European Economic Community (EEC) and the European Atomic Energy Community (EAEC or Euratom), are among the most important treaties of the European integration process. The failure to set up a European Defense Community in 1954 provided the incentive for the EEC Treaty to consider integration in economic as well as political terms. Crucially, the Rome Treaties provided for the establishment of today's EU institutions, which have played a major role in securing the peaceful coexistence of Member States for the past sixty years. The Common Assembly (CA) of the European Coal and Steel Community (1952-1957) has long been overlooked as an important factor in the development of the Rome Treaties. As it was not directly involved in deliberations and negotiations on the treaties, it might easily be concluded that the CA did not play a significant role. This briefing demonstrates the very opposite. It was the CA that put the issue of an extended common market on the Community and Member States' political agenda, thereby relaunching European integration at a decisive moment in the EU's history. Furthermore, the CA effectively foreshadowed its future position and competences in a wider European community. The CA formulated demands for greater legislative and budgetary powers in order to overcome its subsidiary and consultative role. Given its political authority as the parliamentary representation of the people of the Community,

Negotiating the Foundations of European Law, 1950–57: The Legal History of the Treaties of Paris and Rome; Anne Boerger-De Smedt; Contemporary European History; 13 June 2012; Vol. 21(3); pp. 339-356

Available electronically
This article analyses how the seeds for the development of European law from the 1960s onwards were sown in the foundational treaties. It argues that despite the fact that both European treaties embodied a conscious choice by the majority of the governments not to establish the European Communities on a constitutional basis, a small number of politicians and jurists managed nonetheless to insert the potential for the constitutional practice. Following a chronological account of each set of negotiations, the article untangles the complex ideas and decisions, which crafted both the legal shape of the treaties and the jurisdiction of the new European Court of Justice.

"Los proyectos de integración Europea entre 1954 y la conferencia de Messina de Junio ode 1955; Muriel Laurent; Historia Crítica; January 1998; Vol. 16; pp. 81-97

El mundo de finales del siglo XX se orienta cada vez más a la creación de grupos integrados regionalmente. El Mercosur en América Latina, el NAFTA en América del Norte, el ASEAN en Asia son los ejemplos de integración regional más conocidos. La finalidad de estos acuerdos regionales es básicamente la de suprimir las barreras aduaneras existentes entre los países miembros de manera a facilitar el comercio entre ellos creando una zona de libre cambio o uniones aduaneras.

El proyecto europeo posterior a la Segunda Guerra Mundial fue más ambicioso que el mero establecimiento de una zona de libre cambio: se orientó en un primer momento a la creación de un Mercado Común (o Mercado Único, en el que se suprimieron los aranceles entre miembros pero adicionalmente se instauró un arancel exterior común y se aplicaron las libertades de circulación de mercancías, personas, capitales y servicios) y más adelante hacia una Unión Económica y Monetaria (que además de lo anterior planteó la existencia de una moneda común). Estas dos formaciones son los pasos obligados para el proceso de integración política que se han fijado los cada vez más numerosos Estados miembros de la Unión Europea.

Observations on the Single European Act and 'Relaunch of Europe': A Less 'Intergovernmental' Reading of the 1985 Intergovernmental Conference; Philip Budden; Journal of European Public Policy; 4 February 2011; Vol. 9(1); pp. 76-97

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In line with the Special Issue's project, this article explores the less 'intergovernmental' aspects of the 1985 Intergovernmental Conference. It concludes that non-governmental actors were important, that the governments were not always unitary, that structures and ideas shaped the outcome of the negotiations, and that the process was, therefore, not as strictly 'intergovernmental' as some theorists have suggested.

Bargaining Power at Europe's Intergovernmental Conferences: Testing Institutional and Intergovernmental Theories; Jonathan B. Slapin; International Organization; 9 January 2008; Vol. 62(1); pp. 131-162

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This article examines how European Union member states make choices about political institutions at intergovernmental conferences, the grand negotiations where many key institutional changes are made. Using data on member-state preferences from the intergovernmental conference leading to the Treaty of Amsterdam, I test competing bargaining theories, institutionalism, and intergovernmentalism, and present strong evidence that institutionalism better captures negotiations compared to intergovernmentalism. I present a formal model to discern between these competing theories of bargaining power, derive a statistical model directly from this formal model, and then use data from the European Union's Treaty of Amsterdam to test these theories and corresponding power sources. Veto power associated with institutional models better explains intergovernmental conference outcomes compared to power from size and economic might, often associated with intergovernmental analyses.

Who Is Powerful? Examining Preferences and Testing Sources of Bargaining Strength at European Intergovernmental Conferences; Jonathan B. Slapin; European Union Politics; March 2006; Vol. 7(1); pp. 51-76

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Previous studies have proposed competing theories to explain European intergovernmental conference (IGC) outcomes, but they fail to test these theories against one another. I examine the literature on IGC bargaining and derive several testable hypotheses. Using data on member state preferences at the IGC leading to the Treaty of Amsterdam, I first examine which member states favor integration and which are most skeptical of integration. I also determine which member states face the highest domestic ratification constraints. I then test the competing hypotheses found in the literature by calculating the bargaining strength of member states. I find that large member states have no more bargaining strength than the average member state; instead, domestic ratification constraints seem to confer power. States preferring less integration appear to outperform states desiring more integration. Supranational actors, as expected, have little power.

Deliberation or Bargaining? An Analysis on the Convention on the Future of Europe; Chen Zhao; Asia Europe Journal; 13 November 2007; Vol. 6; pp. 427-440

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The feature of deliberation demonstrated in the Convention on the Future of Europe made it different from the inter-governmental conferences throughout the European integration process in the past. The article firstly clarifies the definition of deliberation, introduces deliberation and bargain concept in Communicative theory and Rhetoric theory and generalizes the gauge of deliberation. The article then moves from theory to case study, and gives a detailed account of the deliberation in the Convention in the perspectives of structure, atmosphere and institute setting. The author tries to seek the reason for the transformation from bargain in inter-governmental conferences to deliberation in the Convention during the European integration process. Finally, the author points out the limitation of deliberation in the Convention.

Deliberation at the European Convention: The Final Verdict; Christer Karlsson; European Law Journal; 11 August 2008; Vol. 14(5); pp. 604-619

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Negotiations in Amsterdam 1996 and Nice 2000 resulted in deadlocks impossible to break. The failure of these Intergovernmental Conferences gave rise to demands for a new and improved process of treaty reform. The answer offered by the European Council in Laeken was to create a Convention with a mandate to prepare the next reform of the treaties. The broad composition of this Convention raised hopes for a process not exclusively defined by bargaining on behalf of national interests, but rather a more open process where actors would be prepared to listen to each other's arguments. Today, we find two divergent images of deliberation in this body. The first sees the Convention as a deliberative success story; the second argues bargaining dominated the proceedings. However, this far the empirical evidence in support of either claim has been inconclusive. On the basis of interviews with 28 conventioneers, this article ventures a ‘final verdict’ on the matter, arguing that deliberation was, indeed, a defining characteristic of the proceedings.

Norms, Strategies and Political Change: Explaining the Establishment of the Convention on the Future of Europe; Dionyssis Dimitrakopoulos; European Journal of International Relations; 1 June 2008; Vol. 14(2); pp. 319-341

Available electronically
Norms affect political outcomes by shaping the strategies that political actors use to advance their interests. Norms do so by shaping the terms of the debates that underpin political decision making. Unlike existing literature that highlights the importance of persuasion, this article demonstrates that through the mechanism of rhetorical action, norms induce self-interested political actors to adapt their strategy and accept political change that they would normally oppose. The case of the advent of the Convention on the Future of Europe examined here shows that by considering the impact of norms on the behaviour of the opponents of change, ideational analyses can incorporate agency in the explanation of political change.

The Convention and the Future of Europe: Issues and Goals; Valéry Giscard d'Estaing; International Journal of Constitutional Law; April 2003; Vol. 1(2); pp. 346-354

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These remarks are excerpted from an interview held under the auspices of the Jean Monnet Center for International and Regional Economic Law & Justice at NYU School of Law on May 13, 2002. The panel of interviewers consisted of Professor J.H.H. Weiler, European Union Jean Monnet Professor; Professor Martin Schain, Director of the Center for European Studies; and Renee Haferkamp, Emile Noël Senior Fellow, Jean Monnet Center. A transcript of the full interview can be found on the website of the Jean Monnet Center at NYU School of Law at http://www.jeanmonnetprogram.org/seminar02/spring.htm.

Still a Union of Deep Diversity? The Convention and the Constitution for Europe John Erik Fossum; ARENA Center for European Studies; 2003; ARENA Working Paper 21/2003

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This paper examines the Convention on the Future of Europe in terms of whether its work bears the imprint of a constitutional treaty or a constitution proper. Two constitutional visions for the EU are presented - deep diversity and constitutional patriotism - and assessed in relation to the existing structure of the EU and the Convention’s work and results. It is found that the result is more than mere consolidation. It reflects a further step in the process of forging a viable political entity in Europe. The Convention has taken a number of decisions that appear to weaken the multiple constitutional demoi doctrine associated with constitutional treaty, and to move the EU closer to one based on constitutional patriotism. The Convention’s very use of the terminology of constitution could be potentially significant as a rallying call to bring institutional reality in line with constitutional aspirations, although the result is still ambiguous enough as to require a decision on which constitutional aspirations should serve as the leitmotif.

Europe's Democracy Challenge: Citizen Participation in and Beyond Elections; Alberto Alemanno; German Law Journal; 2020; Vol. 21; pp. 35-40

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Ten years after the introduction of participatory democracy as one of the democratic foundations of the Union, this Article discusses whether and how Europe’s democracy challenge can be addressed.

El debate sobre el futuro de Europa: una visión comparada de las posiciones de los jefes de Estado y/o de Gobierno y las instituciones europeas; Fabio García Lupato; Revista de Estudios Políticos; 2020; Vol. 190; pp. 11-41

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The last European legislature has witnessed a growing number of debates on the future of Europe, intensified by the so-called polycrisis experienced by the EU. This article compares the proposals of the two most relevant European institutions, the Commission and the Parliament (EP), and the position of twenty Heads of State and/or Government that participated in the debates on the future of Europe, organized by the EP, between 2017 and 2019. The content analysis of these proposals and interventions allows us to understand their positions, similarities, differences and the potential for politicization of European integration. The importance of focusing on both the policy regime and the governance model and its relationship is also highlighted. The results stress the profound differences on how the future of Europe is conceived, showing us priorities more focused on input legitimacy while others emphasize issues related to output legitimay. The various positions show the relevance of certain debates —multi-speed Europe, differentiation, homogeneity, political unification, instrumental logic— and its relationship with different theories and hypotheses about the future of integration. Additionally, this analysis allows understanding the possible developments of the Conference on the Future of Europe that the new Commission is organizing, during the period 2020-‍2022. 

The Potential Outcome of the Conference on the Future of Europe in a COVID-19 World: Strengthening European Democracy; Olivier Le Saëc; European View; 15 April 2021; Vol. 20(1); pp. 110-111

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Initially planned for 2020, the launch of the Conference on the Future of Europe has been postponed indefinitely due to the pandemic. Scheduled to run for two years, this conference will bring together European institutions, civil society representatives, and citizens of all ages to debate on the future of Europe. Thus, this conference has the great merit of facing the issue of citizen participation, confirming the constant desire of strengthening European democracy. Similarly to the European Convention on the Future of Europe, this conference would also include citizen consultations, supported by a digital platform allowing online debates and contributions. Although it is difficult to predict the concrete outcome of this conference, major changes are not expected, but rather more reform proposals on the EU’s architecture and its decision-making processes, which will lead to deeper European integration. However, before the conference can start, the three main EU institutions must still agree on its modalities and, importantly, its chairmanship. It clearly reveals that the main difficulties barring the road to the conference are not of a technical nature, but rather political. Nonetheless, launching the conference as soon as possible would be a tangible, major achievement, confirming that democracy is still fully functional in Europe, despite the COVID-19 pandemic. It would confirm the European Union as an advanced democracy, and probably the biggest democracy in the world.

When Country Matters More than Europe: What Implications for the Future of the EU? Giovanni Perucca; Investigaciones Regionales - Journal of Regional Research; 2020; Vol. 46; pp. 93-109

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This paper studies the determinants of the imbalance between country and European identity. While the two sentiments are positively correlated, recent empirical evidence showed the emergence, in the last years, of an increasing imbalance in favour of the identification with individuals' country of residence. In the political arena, this phenomenon is accompanied by the increasing support to nationalisms and Eurosceptic parties almost everywhere in the EU. It is therefore interesting to understand what are the individual and contextual factors associated to this identity imbalance. The assumption tested in this paper is that the unequal distribution (among individuals and regions) of the benefits from EU integration is the main determinant of the emerging antagonism between European and national identity. Empirical results support this hypothesis. Individuals with lower education and income, and those living in the lagging behind regions of the EU are more likely than the others to identify more with their own country than with Europe.

The future is in your hands. Conference on the future of Europe: Introducing the multilingual digital platform for the Conference on the Future of Europe; European Commission; Publications Office of the EU; 2021

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This is the central hub and interactive tool of the Conference on the Future of Europe. Here, you can share your ideas, find events, read input from all Conference events, and follow the progress of the Conference. And this will be possible in the 24 official EU languages.

Balance y prospectiva de la iniciativa ciudadana europea en la intersección entre la vieja y la nueva Europa; Magdalena María Martín Martínez; Revista de Derecho Comunitario Europeo; 2020; Vol. 24(67); pp. 833-872

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The entry into force on January 1, 2020, of the new Regulation (EU) 2019/78 on the European Citizens’ Initiative is a good point of departure for revisiting the most important instrument to promote the participation of citizens in the democratic life of the EU. In the present work, we will analyze its legal configuration, inquiring into the efficacy and political and legal problems detected during the successive phases of its application. We will also examine in details the implementation of the legal modifications adopted in order to improve its application. The results of our exam not only offer a prospect of the future of this institution, but also have extra value as indicators of the state of the EU, since this new stage in the application of ECI has coincided with the beginning of the Conference on the Future of Europe. In this unprecedented chapter of the European integration process, the empowerment of citizens is a crucial problem in the complex democracy of the EU, and the ECI should be a useful tool to adopt effective policies and rules to face the unexpected challenges posed by the pandemic. 

Federal democracy, distributive justice and the future of Europe; Arthur Benz; European Law Journal; June 2021; pp. 1-14

 Available electronically
The ‘Conference on the Future of Europe’ aims to advance strategic policies and democracy in the EU. Discussions on these issues cannot afford to disregard a fundamental institutional dilemma of the EU's political system, the conflict between intense interdependence and power sharing in a multilevel polity for one, and autonomy of governments as a condition for demo[1]cratic legitimacy of power for another. Conceiving the EU as a federal democracy draws attention to this dilemma. This concept suggests democracy-preserving modes of governance instead of coercive coordination (policy adjustment to competition in the common market, joint decision-making among governments, central regulation by law and court decisions), which so far predominate in most relevant policy fields. It also calls for procedures to cope with issues of distributive justice stemming from territorial disparities in resources and burdens. The article conceptualises these challenges and outlines feasible steps to advance federal democracy in the EU.

Bürgerkonferenzen als Potential für einen Neuanfang der EU; Christine Landfried; Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen; February 2020; Vol. 32(4), pp. 570-583 

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Es ist die Hypothese des Beitrages, dass die Kluft zwischen geringer demokratischer Mitwirkung und weitreichenden politischen Kompetenzen der EU den Mangel an kulturellen Voraussetzungen der europäischen Demokratie erklärt. Zu diesen Voraussetzungen gehören Vertrauen in die europäischen Eliten und Institutionen, ein Zugehörigkeitsgefühl und die Anerkennung von Anderssein. Zunächst werden empirische Befunde zur Partizipation in der EU beschrieben und mit den Mechanismen des europäischen Regierens erklärt. Auf dieser Basis wird der konkrete Vorschlag entwickelt, die Bürger bei einem neuen Konvent zur Zukunft Europas von Anfang an wirksam zu beteiligen.

Buscando un nuevo modelo más satisfactorio de inserción de las regiones constitucionales en la Unión europea. La oportunidad dela Conferencia sobre el futuro de Europa; José Luis de Castro Ruano; Revista Española de Derecho Internacional; 2021; Vol. 73(1); pp. 83-110

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The so-called Constitutional Regions, those Regions with legislative power recognized in their constitutional framework, have not found satisfactory channels of representation and effective participation in the European Union. The Conference on the Future of Europe, which will reflect on the model of the European Union for the near future, gives us an opportunity to take up this reflection again. The next EU reform should allow channeling the demands of these unique Regional. Federal progress and regional recognition are two parallel processes that must be developed simultaneously. In this article, we review the state of affairs in historical perspective in order to assess the current unsatisfactory situation. We also launch some ideas to find a new more satisfactory model for the insertion of Constitutional Regions in the EU. In any case, this new model must provide for differentiated representation in favor of Constitutional Regions.