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Publisher’s note: Research on the EU-Brazil and EU-Mexico strategic partnerships are still scarce in the academia. In this context, this paper aims to contribute to the academic literature by briefly revisiting the process of establishment of each one of these relationships and assessing the main challenges with which they are currently faced. Moreover, it presents a comparative analysis of both relationships, increasing our understanding of ‘strategic partnership’ as a foreign policy concept, of EU strategic partnerships with Latin America, and of current trends in EU-Mexico and EU-Brazil relations. The paper argues and demonstrates that whereas the EU-Brazil strategic partnership follows a descending path, EU-Mexico relations find themselves in an ascending and promising direction. These opposite trends are not only caused by the different political and economic conjunctures of Brazil and Mexico but are also due to the degree of expectations from the parties when it comes to the outcomes of the partnership.
Publisher`s note: This article examines patterns of change and continuity in Latin American foreign policies. It asks two interrelated questions: How can we conceptually and empirically account for foreign policy change? And why do states change their foreign policies in Latin America? To answer these questions, we used the results of a new expert survey on foreign policy preferences in the region between 1980 and 2014. The results we obtained using both linear and nonparametric specifications are very clear and consistent: presidential ideology is what matters the most. Simply put, a change in the ideology of the president produces a change in foreign policy that is almost equivalent in magnitude, all other theoretically relevant factors set to their means.
Publisher`s note: In article the author discusses on how the 2016 presidential nominee, Joe Biden would transform the U.S. policy in Latin America. Topics include the forecast for the improvement of foreign relations with many countries including Iran; that he would focus on Hispanics and other discriminated or lower income group through implementation of policies.
Publisher's note: This paper provides some theoretical scenarios the socioeconomic impacts caused by the COVID-19 pandemic for the Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). To do so, after a brief literature review of previous pandemics, we use the macro and microeconomic theory, together with aggregated data, in order to provide expected implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for the LAC region. At a macroeconomic level, we explain how the COVID-19 shock is causing both aggregate supply and aggregate demand to reduce so plunging the region into a recession and why such a recession is dangerously harmful for the LAC economies. At a micro level, we describe why some enterprises would adapt to remain in the market or even growth; by contrast, some of them would leave the market in the short term. For the consumers, the impact of this sanitary crisis is related to the change in their preferences and household members’ relations due to extended quarantines.
Publisher's note: Several authors have raised the similarities between Latin American structuralism and economic institutionalism, pointing out the possibilities of reciprocal enrichment between both approaches but highlighting, at the same time, the mutual ignorance between them. However, the eventual interaction between these theories was hampered by the advent of the neoclassical—and neoliberal—offensive, and the displacement of Latin American contributions, both in its structuralist and dependency variants. The replacement of these contributions by the neo-structuralist approach implied a displacement of the characteristics of original structuralism, associated with the conception of central-peripheral economies, and the central role of the state for Latin American development. These displacements, I argue, limited the possibility of finding the means to achieve the so-called social transformation, to which institutionalists and structuralists referred. The present article tries, on the one hand, to critically analyze the neo-structuralist discourse, evaluating how these displacements affect the possibility of proposing a structural transformation in Latin America (led by the state). On the other hand, it seeks to recover the dimensions associated with power, conflict and the centrality of the state to rethink the challenges of structural transformation, from which articulations between structuralism and institutionalism could be proposed.
Publisher’s note: In the year to June 2019, Latin America saw a major shake-up of the political status quo with the rise to power of new anti-establishment, populist presidents in the region’s two economic powerhouses, Mexico and Brazil, with one new leader on the left and the other on the right of the political spectrum. Argentina, the region’s third-largest economy, was hit with renewed economic troubles that threatened the previously promising re-election prospects of the centre-right president and could trigger a swing back to a leftist government in October 2019 elections. Venezuela’s economic and political turmoil deepened and exacerbated an exodus of refugees that made headlines around the world but had its worst repercussions for neighbouring countries.
Publisher’s note: Authorities at the United Nations have repeatedly called on regional organizations to step up their commitment in the area of peacekeeping. These calls are based on Chapter VIII of the UN Charter, which gives regional organizations a role in international peace and security. While organizations in Europe and Africa have created regional peacekeeping arrangements, such have failed to emerge in Latin America. This is puzzling, for different reasons. On the one hand, several countries have recently sought to increase their peacekeeping profile. States have strong incentives to pool their resources, especially if they face budgetary constraints such as the developing countries of Latin America. On the other hand, peacekeeping might provide an answer to some of the security problems the region faces. This article provides an evaluation of how Latin America has responded to the global demand to develop regional peacekeeping capacities. I argue that cooperation in peacekeeping has mainly been the result of foreign policy considerations rather than a concern for peacekeeping per se. In light of past experiences of shallow institutionalization, the article concludes with a reflection on the future prospects for a Latin American peacekeeping framework.
Publisher’s note: Latin American governments frequently emphasise the democratic and peaceful order in the region. These claims are based on two developments: First, except for Cuba, the region has experienced processes of democratisation since the early 1980s. Second, since the 1990s, a series of long-lasting civil wars have ended with negotiated settlements and without a relapse into war. Based on such a superficial analysis, Latin America can be perceived as a successful example of the liberal peacebuilding model. However, although Latin America has democratised and ended wars, it is still the most violent region in the world. This article argues that democratisation and peacebuilding focussed rather on formal changes than on dealing with the structural problems reproducing different manifestations of violence. A focus on the interaction between both processes provides evidence for the possibilities as well as the limitations of change
Publisher’s note: This article is organised to summarise what has been happening in trade relations between US and China and to express how this so-called trade war affects trade relations of Latin America as a region where both actors of the dispute have been carrying a lot of trade relations in. Whether Latin America would be in advantaged position or not, as long as this trade dispute goes on between two giant economies of the world, there will be some consequences, risks and also opportunities for the region in terms of its trade relations with the parties. Therefore, it is very much fair to be interested in the region's upcoming moves and one will be able to find necessary data and information besides concluding remarks while reading this work.
Publisher’s note: Until its recent crisis, Brazil’s rise, combined with seeming US decline and distraction, led observers to declare South America a ‘post-hegemonic’ region. How have US and Brazilian ambitions and capabilities affected the countries’ relations within the shared neighbourhood of the Western Hemisphere? Building on work by Womack, B. [2016. Asymmetry and international relationships. New York: Cambridge University Press], the article analyses the US-Brazil-South America relationship as a regionally located, asymmetrical triangle. During two centre-left presidencies, Brazil sought to shift the dynamics of the hemisphere’s soft triangles. Brazilian diplomacy redefined its neighbourhood as South America, developed exclusive regional groupings, and assumed the role of pivot to shape relationships between the US and South America. In the face of sceptical neighbours and weakened Brazilian capabilities, the regional triangle is likely to return to a more ‘normal’ configuration in which the United States acts as a central, albeit often uninterested, pivot.
Publisher’s note: In this paper, we argue that the Brazilian diplomatic discourse portraits an uneasy sense of ‘well-placement’ within both Latin America and the West. On the one hand, Brazil’s diplomatic narrative indicates an aspiration to belong to the West, yet without denying Brazil’s credentials as a developing or Third World country. On the other hand, Brazilian diplomats perceive Brazil as a Latin American country without denying its unique inheritance of Portuguese colonialism, a notion that somewhat dismisses Brazil’s linkages with Latin America’s main cultural traits. We show that this uneasy sense of ‘well-placement’ can be observed in Brazil’s complex identity-set, which is composed of three overlapping and contradictory layers of identity. The first layer is comprised of profound and firmly embedded identities created by regional and historical references, such as the Portuguese-Brazilian identity and Americanism. A second, less entrenched layer involves identities related to the foreign policy concept of autonomy created in the 1950s and 1960s. The third layer includes contemporary role conceptualizations, such as ‘emerging power’ and ‘regional leader.’ This complex identity-set shows Brazil’s contradictions concerning its place in the world, but arguably not the profound cognitive dissonance within its region and cultural affinities that tends to characterize Misplaced States.
Publisher’s note: This article analyzes contrasting approaches to defense modernization in the Latin American region focusing on Brazil, Chile, Colombia, and Argentina. Three variables of autonomy, spending, and integration highlight the tradeoffs in each country’s strategy while facing the pressure of rising costs of technologically sophisticated systems. We show that these countries’ responses to the defense trilemma between autonomy, technology, and economic sustainability differ according to geographic, economic, and political conditions. Finally, we suggest that regional cooperation in this field is one possible response to the trilemma.
Publisher’s note: Innovativeness is one of the key factors stimulating economic growth. Improving innovative capacities is especially important for developing countries. The Latin American region is characterized by a variety of innovation policies. In this article, the author attempts to answer the question of which Latin American countries most efficiently spend funds on R&D. The study presented in this article also verifies the hypothesis that increased spending on R&D does not result in a proportional increase in the intended innovative results. The main research methodology employed is data envelopment analysis (DEA), which allows for assessing input-output efficiency and indicates the efficiency frontier for the period between 2000 and 2017.
Publisher’s note: This study examines the impacts of globalization and economic freedom on the economic growth of a group of 24 developing countries from the Latin America and Caribbean over a time span ranging from 1995 to 2015. We have constructed two models, one with the globalization’s overall value and another with the political, social and economic dimensions of globalization. Our results point out to the fact that globalization has had a positive impact on the economic growth of these countries in the long-run, as well their economic and social dimensions. Still, the political dimension of globalization did not show any statistically significant effect upon growth. In addition, we have found evidence of a negative impact resulting from economic freedom on the economic growth of these Latin American and Caribbean countries in the long-run. In the short-run, the results have indicated that electric power consumption (in all estimations) and social globalization (in only one estimation) were able to promote the economic growth of these countries. Finally, the negative and significant coefficient of the error correction mechanism in all estimations points out to the presence of cointegration/long-memory relationships between the variables. This study aims to contribute to the enrichment of the globalization-growth and economic freedom-growth literature in the way that it attempts to overcome some of the flaws identified in previous studies. In our analysis we have identified and corrected the presence of outliers, which are quite often neglected, and if not controlled can actually compromise the macro-economic analysis of this region. The results from this study should primarily contribute to guide policymakers in their decisions, thus helping them to draw growth-promoting policies in their respective countries.
Publisher's note: This article examines the effect of Federal Reserve announcements on global financial flows to Latin America since the Global Financial Crisis. The Federal Reserve announcements are classified using daily measures of expectations from a shadow rate term structure model as easing (unexpected), tightening (unexpected), easing (expected), and tightening (expected). This classification is then used for an event study on daily global financial flows classified by asset class (debt, equity), currency (all currencies, hard currency, local currency), and region (Latin America, Brazil, and Mexico). The results suggest easing (unexpected) and tightening (unexpected) announcements cause debt outflows but have no effect on equity flows to Latin America. Local currency debt flows to Latin America are more sensitive than the hard currency debt flows and Brazil is the country in Latin America that responds most to these announcements.
Publisher’s note: The idea of Chile as a ‘bridge country’ that connects – or should connect – Latin America with the Asia-Pacific region has guided its commercial diplomacy since the early 1990s. We argue that this geopolitical vision corresponds closely with what network analysts describe as a ‘broker’: an actor that bridges ‘structural holes’ by connecting otherwise disconnected actors or groups of actors. As a relational approach, social network analysis provides an alternative way of thinking about Chile’s position in international relations that does not rely on preconceived groupings or rank orders based on country attributes, as in the case of ‘middle powers’ and ‘small states.’ Further, the approach allows us to empirically explore which countries of the Pacific Basin currently perform such a role and whether (and when) Chile conforms to the theoretical expectations of a ‘transpacific broker.’ Using network data on commercial agreements (1980–2018), we trace Chile’s emergence as a transpacific broker and discuss how its commercial diplomacy provided the country with leverage in this regard. In doing so, the study sheds light on the opportunities and limitations of peripheral actors seeking to gain social capital through networks of relations.
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