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Abstract: Throughout Iran and various countries, the recent calls of the “Zan, Zendegi, Azadi” (in Persian), “Jin, Jiyan, Azadi” (in Kurdish), or “Woman, Life, Freedom” (in English) movement call for change to acknowledge the importance of women. While these feminist protests and demonstrations have been met with brutality, systematic oppression, and internet blackouts within Iran, they have captured significant social media attention and coverage outside the country, especially among the Iranian diaspora and various international organizations. This article, grounded in feminist urban theories of the Global South, analyzes the digital feminist placemaking movement in Iran. As the first counter-revolution led by women, the movement utilizes digital art, graffiti, and protest movements to embody women’s solidarity groups and sympathy rallies. Our analysis employs various digital research methods, including social media scrutiny and the study of protest illustrations. Analyzing the digital feminist placemaking in Iran will enable us to compare the commonalities, differences, challenges, and opportunities between the minorities and majorities in the world’s countries. The outcomes of this research can help international organizations such as Amnesty International and the United Nations Agency for Gender Equality and Women’s Empowerment (UN Women), as well as policymakers, institutions, academics, and NGOs, to highlight the various ways in which broader public participation could be encouraged in the process of digital feminist insurgent placemaking.
Abstract: The “Women, Life, Freedom” (WLF) movement has been one of Iran’s most widespread social movements. This paper aims to identify the interpretive frames constructed within the movement from the perspective of analyzing its slogans and questioning the essence of the movement. In this regard, employing a quantitative approach and utilizing the content analysis method, it collects and analyzes all slogans reported (2355 slogans). The study finds that incomplete framing is a crucial aspect of the WLF movement, and it can be described as a “diagnostic movement” that has made significant progress in identifying the primary target of the protests.
Abstract: The state murder of Jîna Amini, a 22-year-old Kurdish woman in Tehran on 16 September 2022, while in custody of the Islamic Republic’s morality police, prompted a widespread uprising across Iran unprecedented in scale since the popular 1979 revolution. Adopting the Kurdish catchphrase ‘Jin, Jîyan, Azadî’ (Woman, Life, Freedom), this movement was largely centered in Kurdistan (known as Rojhelat) and Balochistan, two ethnically minoritized and economically de-developed regions, where the state deployed deadly violence and brutality to crush the protests. This article juxtaposes two competing narratives of this uprising. The first insists on branding the movement as a singular ‘national’ uprising of ‘Iranian women’. The second recognizes a plurality of women, particularly those from marginalized nations, such as Kurdish and Balochi women, and underlines the structural national, ethnoreligious, and linguistic oppression elided in the narrative of undifferentiated Iranian womanhood. Drawing on the notion of intersectionality, I argue that the elite nationalist discourse of Iranian womanhood reproduces the state’s ethnoreligious and linguistic suppression of non-Persian-speaking marginalized communities. Moreover, such a selective reading of gender inequality in Iran is unable and/or unwilling to embrace the intersectionality and multiplicity of women’s life experiences in Iran, particularly in its ethnic peripheries. This article offers a critical reassessment of Iranian feminism and its methodology of privilege, proposing instead a decolonized approach that invites nationalist Persian/Iranian activists to interrogate Persianness as a marker of official national identity and institutionalized supremacy.
Abstract: Background: Assessment of elderly’s health status, medical, social service and care needs becomes important under global aging of the population. The purpose of the study was to assess the social, psycho-emotional and physical states of elderly patients based on geriatric screening tool during the war in Ukraine. Material and methods. 400 patients aged 60–89 were interviewed using original "Geriatric Assessment" questionnaire for the period 2022–2023. The questionnaire included 40 questions to assess social status, cognitive, psycho-emotional and physical states, morbidity, and chronic problems. Results. Unfavorable social signs were revealed — living alone (35 %), poor financial support (35 %), limitations of social relations (20 %), and lack of cultural life (70 %) along with low monotonous physical activity (97 %). The high frequency of depressed mood (97 %), anxiety (74 %) and dyssomnia (87 %) evidenced the low resistance to war stress in elderly. A moderate decrease in memory was registered in 60 %, pronounced — in 13 % patients. Among the neurological symptoms, dizziness (74 %) and balance disorders (50 %) dominated. The majority of respondents indicated physical decline: general weakness — 88 %, fatigue — 97 %, legs weakness — 76 %, hands weakness — 71 %. Unintentional weight loss, an indirect marker of sarcopenia, was identified in 32 %, height reduction as a marker of bone loss in 48 %, repeated falls and fractures in 12 and 8 %, respectively. History of stroke, myocardial infarction, neoplasma and COVID-19 was associated with higher frequency of balance disorders, inability to climb stairs, general weakness, hands and legs weakness, and nutrition disorders. Аs the age increased, the number of symptoms per patient enlarged and was greater in women compared to men. Conclusions. A high frequency of physical, cognitive, psychoemotional and social state disorders was registered in elderly patients during the war, which requires the attention of society for their possible correction.
Abstract: Le 16 février 2024, l’annonce du décès de l’opposant russe Alexeï Navalny a suscité l’indignation, la colère, la tristesse, le découragement ou encore l’indifférence. Héros de la démocratie libérale pour certaines personnes, ethnonationaliste pour d’autres, qui était cet homme aux multiples facettes ? Quel héritage laisse-t-il à celles et ceux qui veulent construire la Russie de demain ?
Abstract: The article aims to explain Navalny's team's political strategy after his arrest, focusing on the activity before the State Duma elections. This is an important issue from the point of view of the impact of leadership on a political organization in a system evolving from a hybrid regime to an authoritarian regime. As confirmed by the author's research, the organization adapts to new conditions without a leader. Still, it is predestined to disintegrate and reduce the effectiveness of implementing the updated political strategy.
Abstract: Women in Central and Eastern Europe have made gains as presidents and prime ministers. A notable exception to this is Belarus, where President Alyaksandr Lukashenka, the longest dictator in Europe, has tightly clung to power since 1994. Sviatlana Tsikhanouskaya surprised many when she threw her hat in the ring for the 2020 presidential election. This article asks how Tsikhanouskaya arose as the 2020 opposition candidate and how gender shaped the campaign. Gender played a central role in her being able to stand in the election. Her husband had been a leading presidential candidate but was imprisoned by the regime. Like women who rose to executive leadership positions, Tsikhanouskaya ran in her husband’s place. Lukashenka permitted her candidacy because he did not see her as a political threat. Lukashenka regularly diminished her candidacy using sexist rhetoric. Tsikhanouskaya’s own campaign highlighted more traditionally feminine traits such as being a nurturer, unifier, and non-power seeking, and only being in politics by chance. Referring to herself as an “accidental candidate,” she made it clear that she sought to unify the Belarussian people against the dictatorship and would step aside after this was accomplished. As de facto opposition leader, she continues to highlight these more feminine qualities and craft a less threatening image.
Abstract: The ongoing human rights violations against the Uyghur ethnic minority, predominantly Turkic speaking Muslims, in the China-ruled Xinjiang region are deeply disturbing. This article is an attempt to situate the persecution, violence and Uyghur concerns in a broader framework that highlights four critical dimensions of this issue. These include, the contrasting narratives about the history of East Turkestan/Xinjiang; understanding the East Turkestan Islamic Movement (ETIM), which China has been portraying as a significant security ‘concern’; highlighting Xinjiang’s geostrategic importance to China vis-à-vis Central, West and South Asia and finally, Washington’s counter-terrorism strategies (post-9/11) which many see as a significant factor in abetting the Uyghur predicament. In short, the article tries to understand if these issues have contributed to aiding or aggravating the continuing Uyghur crisis and via assessing these segments, it shall also try to provide a brief insight into ‘why’ and ‘how’ China is managing to do what it is doing in Xinjiang.
Abstract: Since 1991, Russia has attempted to maintain its hegemonic role in the region. Although it has primarily relied on military and economic means, Russia's actions have also been accompanied by a normative agenda. Using the Crimean intervention, we outline the basic features of this agenda. Russia maintained that its actions were guided by humanitarian concerns, which was widely rejected as disingenuous. We contend that Russia used the humanitarian frame to circulate a regional alternative to the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) doctrine, a zombie norm it revived from the past to shape the rules of international conduct in its immediate neighborhood.
Abstract: Practical implication: This paper is devoted to analysing the terror and tortures against Ukrainian civilians became one of the main tools of control used by the Russian armed forces. Cases of ill-treatment and torture were already recorded from very beginning days of the invasion. The scale of these crimes is not only about statistics, but above all about the dramas and tragedies of society. The measure of torture in Russia has been a source of concern for the international courts, even than numbers of crimes is not yet known. The actions of the Russian Federation indicate the lack of accountability of the authorities and the weakness of the justice system.
Abstract: This essay examines Venezuelan political elite behavior and how decisionmakers might contemplate power-sharing as a means to restore the nation-state. The article delves into the challenges and prospects of adopting power-sharing as a strategy not only for peacekeeping but also, crucially, peace-making processes. Starting with an overall assessment of Venezuelan democracy, the paper identifies factors that may hinder consociational democracy. It then analyzes sociopolitical elements favoring autocracy and partitocracy before discussing current challenges and opportunities for effective power-sharing. It highlights the role of Venezuelan elites and the persistent issue of elite non-circulation as critical factors in the ongoing political deadlock. Additionally, it explores the relationship between democracy, state-building, and the impact of autocratization.
Abstract: Opposition coordination varies widely in electoral autocracies. Sometimes, opposition parties are highly coordinated and create alliances, present joint candidates or common policy platforms. Yet, at other times, oppositions choose to challenge incumbents individually. This article seeks to explain what drives opposition parties to coordinate in non-democratic regimes. It finds that opponents’ decision-making and strategy formation is influenced by the amount of repression they face from the incumbent regime. It argues that repression has a curvilinear relationship with opposition coordination. When repression is low and high, opposition coordination will be informal or clandestine. However, when repression is at intermediate levels, opposition parties will formally coordinate to dislodge authoritarian incumbents. This article illustrates this argument through an analysis of the Venezuelan opposition under Chavismo (1999–2018), combining 129 interviews with party elites, journalists, academics, and regime defectors, along with archival research at key historical moments.
Abstract: ISIS is well known for its brutal mistreatment of those deemed ‘enemies’ and ‘infidels’. In the Kurdistan region of Iraq, having been abducted by ISIS in 2014, many Yazidi women were subjected to different types of violence: sexual, physical and mental. This study investigates how silence was employed by these women as a security strategy to survive their brutal mistreatment under ISIS. The use of silence as a security strategy challenges the assumption that silence is a sign of disempowerment. Drawing on feminist security studies, this study proposes an alternative analysis of security, agency and gendered violence; it demonstrates the need to recognise the complex strategies these Yazidi women developed to resist ISIS rule. It suggests that this approach may be used to critique established narratives about women in the Global South and reveal the under-reported security strategies women employ in conflict settings.
Abstract: Background: In August 2014, the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) attacked the Sinjar district and destroyed several villages and towns and killed several individuals. Aim: In this study, the Yazidi young women who survived the ISIS attack were encouraged to express their lived experiences through paintings following participation in a 6-month art-based intervention program. Methods: A total of 13 Yazidi Kurdish females aged 18 to 25 years (Mean: 21.7 years) were invited to participate in an art-based (drawing and painting) course for 6 months in 2018. They were invited to draw or paint images that portrayed their lived experiences of attack and capture by the ISIS. Qualitative research situated within feminist methodology was used with the young women in this study. The interviews were analyzed using the descriptive content analysis method. Results: The paintings and narratives of the participants were constructed into three main themes: fear and traumatic experiences; feeling of hopelessness; and freedom and hope. During the attack and capture, due to the escape, rape, and horrific treatments by the ISIS fighters, the young women were traumatized severely. They were sold as a sex slave by the ISIS fighters. The participants still had severe anxiety and psychological challenges after being free from the capture. However, despite their traumatic experiences and feeling of hopelessness, most of them were hoping for freedom and a better future. Conclusions: This study showed that the Yazidi young females still experienced psychological challenges burdens even 3 years after the traumatic day. However, the participants showed their resilience through feeling hopeful for freedom and a better future.
Abstract: Denis Mukwege talks to Gary Humphreys about treating the survivors of wartime sexual violence and driving global advocacy efforts to end to it.
Abstract: Sexual violence (SV) is a major public health issue in Goma, Democratic Republic of the Congo, especially in the eastern part of the country where women have been victims of SV for many years. The objective of this study is to provide an overview of the survivor and perpetrator characteristics, as well as the circumstances surrounding SV incidents in Goma. We conducted a retrospective, descriptive cross-sectional study using data from all SV survivors who sought medical care at four hospitals in Goma from January 2019 to December 2020. The analysis of the data was carried out using STATA 16 software. A total of 700 women sought medical attention for SV in the four hospitals. The survivors’ age range was 12–67 years with a mean age of 31.7 ± 14.6 years. Women aged 20–29 years were the most affected (28%). The majority of SV survivors experienced their first assault (88.29%) and sought medical attention within 72 h (60.6%). The assaults occurred mostly outside the SV survivors’ homes under armed threat (84.29%), predominantly by men in civilian clothes (61.43%) compared to men in military uniform (38.57%). More than half of the survivors were assaulted by a stranger (64.71%), and of those, more than half were committed by a single perpetrator (57.29%). The findings underscore the urgent need to address this pervasive issue, emphasizing the necessity of targeted interventions to protect survivors and prevent future incidents. The circumstances surrounding these assaults, such as the prevalence of armed threats and attacks outside survivors’ homes, highlight the complex challenges in combating SV in this region.
Abstract: This project aims to explore the effect of wealth shocks on education and marriage for young women in Pakistan. Financial shocks are used to estimate the probability of dropping out of education and into marriage. Using the Pakistan Rural Household Panel survey for the years 2000–10, the effects of financial shocks on the probability of dropping out of education and into marriage are estimated for boys and girls in rural areas. Second, the returns to education in the marriage market are estimated using information on marital payments of dowry and brideprice. Lastly, the intergenerational effects of women’s increased bargaining power due to marital assets is estimated. The results show wealth shocks do not have a gendered effect on school dropout. Also, adverse shocks during the teenage years do not increase the probability of early marriage. However, this relationship is negative in villages where marital payments are typically higher—that is, marriage costs can delay early marriage in shock-hit households as they are more credit-constrained. Lastly, higher educated women receive more marital assets, which can contribute to increased bargaining power within the marriage. This increased bargaining power also has intergenerational effects on children’s schooling. •This study explores the gender dynamics of coping mechanisms of rural households.•How do wealth shocks effect schooling and early marriages in Pakistan?•Adverse shocks during school years do not increase drop outs beyond 12 months.•There is also no strong evidence that wealth shocks lead to early marriages for girls.•However, in villages with higher marital payments, costs can delay early marriages.
Abstract: En décembre 2010, l’immolation de Mohamed Bouazizi en Tunisie déclenche un soulèvement populaire contre le régime, qui va rapidement gagner d’autres pays arabes. Début 2011, des premières manifestations ont lieu en Syrie. Elles seront réprimées dans le sang par le régime syrien plongeant le pays dans un conflit qui a fait plus d’un demi-million de morts. Le conflit a également entraîné l’un des mouvements de réfugiés les plus importants depuis la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Le Haut-Commissariat pour les réfugiés des Nations unies (UNHCR) dénombre aujourd’hui plus de cinq millions et demi de réfugiés pour la plupart installés dans les pays voisins, et cela sans compter près de six millions de déplacés internes, sur une population totale de 23 millions d’habitants : c’est ainsi la moitié de la population syrienne qui a été déplacée depuis le début du conflit. Si, en 2023, la Turquie est le pays qui accueille le plus grand nombre de réfugiés syriens (3,2 millions), le Liban (790 000) et la Jordanie (650 000) ont de leur côté la proportion de réfugiés la plus élevée dans le monde par rapport à leur population : les réfugiés syriens représentent près de 4 % de la population de la Turquie, 6 % de celle de la Jordanie, et 16 % de celle du Liban (UNHCR, 2023 ; UNDESA, 2022).
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