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Transatlantic Relations

Selected e-articles

Abstract by the author: Although there were many disagreements in transatlantic relations before the COVIC-19, the pandemic accelerated tensions in transatlantic relations even more. The inauguration of the new US president Joe Biden, however, has been perceived as a new chapter in transatlantic relations. The paper aims to assess the COVID-19 pandemic implications to transatlantic relations and answer the question of whether the pandemic has strengthened or weakened the transatlantic security community? The paper stems from the idea that transatlantic countries compose a transatlantic security community. It examines the COVID-19 implications to several tiers of features that should be present in every security community: namely, implications to the perception of threats, patterns of communication and policy coordination, as well as to institutional framework. The paper argues that COVID-19 has not transformed the transatlantic security community; however, it highlighted certain problematic aspects of transatlantic relations.

Abstract by the authors: In 2021, the USA and the European Union (EU) expressed an interest in deepening their cooperation with each other and other international actors on export controls to address evolving security risks, including the misuse of dual-use technologies to violate human rights. This interest presents an opportunity to probe the potential for US–EU leadership, as a stated intention of these actors, in developing standards that incorporate human rights considerations into export control policy. To undertake this analysis, this article assesses the legal and political context in which the USA and the EU regulate exports and how this context affects potential opportunities for leadership. The article contends that the USA and EU may struggle to exercise joint leadership due to their divergent systems but may be capable of doing so if they invest in creative diplomatic efforts. In particular, the USA possesses greater legal flexibility than the EU to propose new standards and to engage in diplomatic efforts to multilateralize them. In short, the EU’s structural limitations create a dynamic in which the EU will rely heavily on US diplomacy, as well as that of its Member States, to achieve its objective of creating US–EU leadership in this area.

Abstract by the author: US President Joe Biden has worked to repair the damage done to the transatlantic relationship by his predecessor, quickly realigning the United States with Europe on issues of energy and climate change. However, the US Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) of 2022 introduced a raft of protectionist subsidies for US clean-energy industries and reignited tensions between the US and the European Union. The EU has warned that the IRA could damage the bloc's industry and American critics suggest the act may trigger a new US-EU trade war. The Biden administration's geopolitical internationalism is at odds with its geo-economic nationalism. The fact remains, however, that Europe is unlikely to be severely affected by the IRA. Moreover, European political leaders have threatened more aggressive responses to the IRA than they can deliver. A trade war is unlikely. It is more likely that booming green industries in the EU and US will open new avenues to cooperation between them.

Abstract by the authors: In spite of being criticised as ‘talking shops’ and easily replaced by technological innovations, dialogues – defined as face-to-face interactions in an institutionalised framework – remain a staple of international politics. While prevailing accounts have shown that dialogues help states advance their quest for security and profit, the key role dialogues play in the quest for recognition has been overlooked and remains undertheorised. Emphasising the socio-psychological need for ontological security, this article argues that institutions relentlessly engage in dialogues because it allows them to seek, gain and anchor the recognition of their identity. The significance for international relations is illustrated through the emblematic case of the European Union–US dialogues, specifically the Transatlantic Legislators’ Dialogue. The multi-method qualitative analysis based on original interviews, participant observations, visuals and official documents demonstrates how the European Union exploits these dialogues with its ‘Significant Other’ to seek, gain and anchor the recognition of its complex institutional identity.

Abstract by the authors: Proposals for the establishment of plurilateral climate clubs have gained momentum, and both the European Union (EU) and the United States (US) will play a pivotal role in forthcoming negotiations. This article closely examines EU and US proposals to uncover distinctive features in their regulatory approaches and to critically assess different potential models for sectoral climate club arrangements. The article argues that a middle ground could be reached by combining the US policy‐neutral approach with the EU distinctive product‐based focus. A bottom‐up model involving average sectoral carbon intensity reduction targets, product standards and bans could provide an effective and practicable way forward. Recent declarations confirm that the negotiations of the Global Steel and Aluminium Arrangement are focusing on product standards. Nonetheless, several challenges lie ahead. These include the difficult coordination between plurilateral arrangements and the EU carbon border adjustment mechanism, and the US focus on non‐market economies and excess capacity.

Abstract by the authors: A core principle of the liberal international order (LIO) established by Europe and the United States (US) after World War II was separating security from economic issues as much as possible. However, since 2016 this has become increasingly untenable. A more protectionist, hawkish, and less multilateral US has questioned aspects of the LIO and America's natural alignment with the European Union (EU) and others under the World Trade Organization's (WTO's) rules of trade. The EU has simultaneously recognized the need to better protect its market and interests with new, assertive trade instruments. Placed in the context of a fragmenting international order and intense domestic debates on trade and globalization, this article assesses the extent to which the EU is aligning its trade policy with that of the US. It argues that the EU has adopted a more geostrategic and realist-based trade policy, while retaining its normative preference for multilateralism, thus leaving in place several differences vis-à-vis the US, while also raising new points of disagreement. Although China is a common challenge for both allies, the US may also find itself on the receiving end of a more assertive EU. The article discusses the implications for transatlantic relations, the LIO and rules-based trade.

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