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Turkey

Selected e-articles

Abstract: This article explores the evolving dynam-ics of EU-Turkey relations in the context of irregular migration. The European Union has historically employed conditionality as a political tool to influence Turkey's policy de-cisions and national legislation in alignment with EU standards. However, the EU's quest for the prevention of irregular migration and re-shaping its cooperation with Turkey in this manner has brought significant changes in their bilateral relationship. Moreover, there is a growing body of literature on how the EU's cooperation with third countries for "migration management" has resulted in the instrumentalization of irregular migration and reversed the conditionality against the EU by these countries, including Turkey. Based on a comprehensive analysis of policy documents and academic literature, this article identifies how the EU's and Turkey's re-sponses to the irregular migration have created a complex interplay and affected the nature of bilateral cooperation, which raises questions about the continuity of the EU's condition-ality on Turkey. Further, it critically explores the newly created concept of "reversed condi-tionality". This article claims that the concept of "reversed conditionality" is a reductionist approach to EU conditionality mechanism to a shift in bargaining power in EU-Turkey relations.

Abstract: International courts face growing contestations to their authority. Scholars have conceptualized the forms and grounds of such resistance as well as the response of international courts. Much empirical research has focused on regional courts with human rights mandates. Yet, in focusing on overt resistance, not differentiating between authoritarian and democratic regimes, and depicting courts at the receiving end of resistance, scholarship does not account for discrete forms of resistance tolerated and enabled by courts. In addition, studies on the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) base their analyses exclusively on judgments, which constitute a mere 9 per cent of this Court’s jurisprudence. This methodological bias, combined with a time frame limited to the post-2010s when the ECtHR has faced public contestations to its authority, have led to inaccurate and incomplete conclusions regarding the Strasbourg Court’s response to backlash and illiberalism. This article calls for a goal-orientated conceptualization of resistance and a methodology that analyses the ECtHR’s non-judgment jurisprudence in its entirety to reach accurate conclusions on its response to authoritarianism. Based on an in-depth and contextual analysis of the ECtHR-Turkey case, the article puts forth empirically grounded insights on authoritarian resistance and judicial complicity. It argues that authoritarian regimes seek to lessen international courts’ oversight of their policies, not to undermine the authority of these courts as such, and that international courts are not always resilient vis-à-vis authoritarian resistance but can also be complicit with it. The forms of authoritarian resistance and judicial response depend on the institutional set-up of the human rights regime in question as well as the ways in which international courts exercise their review powers. The two phenomena influence and reinforce each other, resulting in the simultaneous or consecutive occurrence of various forms of authoritarian resistance and judicial response depending on the particular political context in which they interact.

Abstract: The center of gravity in the world has shifted from the Atlantic to Asia over the last decade. The Asian continent has emerged as the geopolitical and geo-economic hub of the world, undergoing a remarkable transformation. This transformation is reshaping the global balance of power. In this context, it is apparent that the dominant theme of the 21st century at the global level is the “Rise of Asia.” This rise is primarily driven by economic dynamics, yet its supplementary elements in political, military, and cultural spheres are increasingly apparent. Initially perceived as being predominantly centered around China, it is now widely recognized that the entire Asian region is undergoing developmental strides, particularly in economic terms, positioning Asian countries as significant future actors. The Asia Anew Initiative, launched in 2019 by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Türkiye, represents the country’s comprehensive, long-term, holistic, and systematic vision for Asia. This commentary will analyze Türkiye’s overall perspective on the Asian continent and discuss the main dynamics of the initiative.

Abstract: Türkiye’s economic relations with East Asia have gone through a significant structural shift over the last two decades. Previously, Japan dominated Türkiye’s trade with East Asia and foreign direct investment inflows from East Asia to Türkiye. However, recently both South Korea and China have surpassed Japan as major trading partners of Türkiye in East Asia and caught up with Japan in foreign investments in Türkiye. The dependence of the Turkish economy on intermediate inputs from China, in particular, rose remarkably. The shift from Japan toward South Korea, and more significantly, to China in Türkiye’s economic relations with East Asia reflects the changing division of labor in the East Asian region and the rise of China as a manufacturing superpower. In this analysis, we discuss the extent of this shift in Türkiye’s relations in light of the ongoing talks of a proposed free trade agreement between Türkiye and Japan, the changing global trade environment due to the decoupling from China, and the increasing fragmentation of the world economy.

Abstract: This analysis examines the economic relationship between Türkiye and the GCC countries, focusing notably on the economic and trade ties. It argues that while mutual relations have increased during the AK Party era, historical commercial relations have been subject to fluctuations due to regional and foreign policy preferences. Descriptive analysis using secondary data supports this claim. Cointegration techniques are also employed to empirically analyze the trade relationship between the two sides from 1994 to 2020. The results indicate long-term cointegration in Türkiye-GCC economic relations, with bilateral trade positively affected in the long-term. However, the findings also suggest that as GCC countries’ exports to Türkiye increase, Türkiye’s exports to the GCC increase even more over the long-term.

Abstract: In the 1990s, Türkiye’s Balkan policy was heavily influenced by military and defense concerns, but it shifted towards economic, social, and cultural priorities in the early 2000s. Recently, however, there has been a noticeable resurgence of military and defense activities in the region. Türkiye has expanded and deepened its military presence and defense cooperation, actively participating in international operations and regional mechanisms, often assuming leading roles. Bilateral cooperation with Balkan states has been strengthened by new agreements, enhancing Türkiye’s defense industry exports and contributing to the local defense capabilities. Driven by commitments to regional stability, advancements in military technology, and a desire to strengthen its regional influence, Türkiye’s renewed focus on military and defense signifies a pivotal shift in its Balkan policy, re-emphasizing these aspects with new dynamics and motivations.

Abstract: China has evolved into an important provider of resources for developing countries, en-compassing capital, know-how and expertise. China has also actively worked to strengthen diplomatic ties with developing regions since the early 2000s. Against this backdrop, the gov-ernments in many developing countries have moved to incorporate China as a significant factor in their geopolitical and geoeconomic considerations. Under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP), Turkey has also sought to foster relations with China, particularly since the early 2010s. This pursuit has been further triggered by Ankara's strained relations with the United States and the European Union. Turkish politi-cal leadership envisions China as a potentially crucial partner that could enhance the country's autonomy in relation to the West. While this expectation has not entirely materialized so far, there is an ongoing debate regarding the extent to which China can potentially be a transforma-tive actor in Turkey's position within the inter-national order. This paper contributes to this debate by locating Turkey-China engagement within a broader context of China's power and influence in the developing world. The paper suggests that the potential for Turkey's coopera-tion with China is likely to remain relatively limited for the foreseeable future. This is not only due to Turkey's deeply rooted ties with the West, but also because of the nature of China's global power, which is more partial and not as deep as commonly assumed.

Abstract: What are the challenges and opportunities facing emerging powers in an increasingly complex international system? While existing studies on emerging powers have looked at their potential impact on the international order, fewer studies have focused on the challenges and opportunities that can negatively or positively impact the progress of emerging powers. This study examines the experiences of Türkiye as an emerging power since the turn of the new millennium and uses it to illustrate the potential challenges and opportunities. The authors adopt five pillars which include: 1) domestic political and international ideological pillars; 2) geopolitical pillars; 3) success in international broadcasting; 4) economic pillars; and 5) institutional pillars (regionalism and international cooperation) to assess how emerging powers navigate the complexities that come with such status. Using a case study approach, the authors argue that emerging powers are likely to remain as “emerging” if they do not capitalize on their strengths and/or reduce the negative effectes of threats that come with the being an emerging power. The findings of the study aim to inform policy and open a new front to assess and understand emerging powers.

Abstract: This paper critically examines the recent presidential memorandum that replaced the Anglicized exonymic version “Turkey” with the endonym “Türkiye” as a conscious, performative and public relations campaign at both national and international levels. On the surface, this change addresses populist sociolinguistic hypersensitivities surrounding the connotations of the term “turkey” while simultaneously harnessing the commodification and marketization of the Turkey brand through selective references culled from collective memory (i.e., past) and branding aimed at economic gains (i.e., future). However, at the deeper level, this transformation serves as a discursive political instrument and a top-down nation branding effort powered by substantial resources from the state and its institutions with an ultimate motivation to consolidate President Erdoğan’s political power and authority, elevate his status to that of a national leader and institutionalize his populist/nationalist yerli ve millî rhetoric from a de facto to de jure within Yeni Türkiye as a competitive authoritarian regime.

Abstract: Some observers expected that the 2023 general elections in Turkey would end the long rule of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, while others anticipated his narrow victory. But it takes more than results at the ballot box for Turkish democracy to flourish in the medium term. Instead, we must focus on the underlying political structure, especially the constitution and its making. This study examines the social and political forces that have shaped Turkey's constitutions, from the Ottoman Empire through today. The analysis shows that top‐down constitutional processes only create advantages for the incumbent power, and they are symptomatic of weak democratic traditions. The most common use of constitutional revisions has been to serve the needs of the political elite at the time, without any long‐term objectives or broadly based political discourse among governmental and nongovernmental stakeholders. Therefore, Turkey has not been able to break the cycle of authoritarianism, even through seemingly democratic constitutional revisions. The study concludes that the future of the constitution is not bright. Given Erdoğan's narrow victory in the 2023 elections and setbacks in the recent municipal voting, revisions in the near term will seek to shore up the power of the ruling Justice and Development Party.

Abstract: urkey plunges headlong into democratic backsliding under Erdoğan’s presidency. The country was a forerunner in the decline of democratic standards in a decade from 2010 to 2020. In the first part of the article, we investigate how this democratic erosion suspends Turkey’s long-standing traditional party cleavage between religious conservatism and secularism. By tracing individuals who follow the members of the Turkish parliament on Twitter, we attach the deputies to their followers with the help of correspondence analysis. We illustrate that, as the ethnic identity divide remains significant, democracy-authoritarianism cleavage becomes the main party split that brings the supporters of an ideologically diverse group of opposition parties closer. In the second part, we conceptualize the democracy-authoritarianism divide as the main cleavage in Turkish party politics after 2017 to shed light on how the AKP’s different tactics of capturing traditional media generated a partisan media landscape.

Abstract: The unexpected victory of the opposition Republican People's Party in Turkey's March 31 municipal elections raises intriguing questions about the future of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan after more than two decades of his rule. Just 10 months after Erdoğan won a new term, a significant portion of the electorate voted against him and his Justice and Development Party, marking his largest defeat ever. The president acknowledged the significance of the defeat, describing the results as “not only a loss of votes but also a loss of soul and blood.” This article analyzes the factors that drove the outcome and contends that this was more a protest of the Turkish strongman than an approval of opposition policies. The people voted against Erdoğan's arrogance and authoritarian style, as well as the poor quality of his party's candidates; the worsening economy, especially for retirees; and perceptions of a deteriorating justice system. The main opposition party also benefited from skillful leadership less than a year after its defeat in the presidential election. While the outcome of the 2024 vote signals a desire for democratic governance and accountability, it remains uncertain at this early stage whether this is a temporary deviation.

Abstract: This article provides a case study regarding struggles over framing gender violence as a political issue. It looks at how gender violence initially entered political discourse and state legislation in Turkey. It identifies the main political actors as feminists, Islamists, and Kemalists, and examines their impacts on state policy-making processes and outcomes. It argues that, in the Turkish context, the Islamism-Kemalism divide contoured the limits and possibilities of frame institutionalization in legislation and characterized state responses to gender violence through familial ideology, which prioritized family privacy and unity over women's right to live free from violence.

Abstract: Urban population growth in Turkey has been increasing rapidly since the middle of the 20th century. The escalating population, particularly in urban regions, has emerged as a critical challenge in achieving sustainable urban management. The Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) 2, 9, and 11 present various avenues for governments to adress this predicament. This study employs the framework of multiple stream model, offering a valuable lens through which policies can identify opportune moments for policy implementation. The study examines the impact of industrialization and agricultural land use on the country's urban population while identifying potential opportunities for enhancing sustainable urban management in alignment with the SDGs. Subsequently, it critically examines the asymmetrical effects of these two significant factors on the urban population, formulating policy recommendations based on the empirical findings. The study concludes by stressing the significance of prioritizing sustainable, long-term agricultural and industrialization policies outlined in national policy documents rather than relying on short-term and temporary solutions.

Abstract: Air pollution significantly threatens human health and natural ecosystems and requires urgent attention from decision makers. The fight against air pollution begins with the rigorous monitoring of its levels, followed by intelligent statistical analysis and the application of advanced machine learning algorithms. To effectively reduce air pollution, decision makers must focus on reducing primary sources such as industrial plants and obsolete vehicles, as well as policies that encourage the adoption of clean energy sources. In this study, data analysis was performed for the first time to evaluate air pollution based on the SPSS program. Correlation coefficients between meteorological parameters and particulate matter concentrations (PM , PM , PM ) were calculated in two urban regions of Romania (Craiova and Drobeta-Turnu Severin) and Turkey (Adana). This study establishes strong relationships between PM concentrations and meteorological parameters with correlation coefficients ranging from -0.617 (between temperature and relative humidity) to 0.998 (between PMs). It shows negative correlations between temperature and particulate matter (-0.241 in Romania and -0.173 in Turkey) and the effects of humidity ranging from moderately positive correlations with PMs (up to 0.360 in Turkey), highlighting the valuable insights offered by independent PM sensor networks in assessing and improving air quality.

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