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Democracy Promotion

Selected e-articles

Abstract: This article addresses the puzzle of why the European Union (EU) struggles to learn from ineffective attempts to support democratization in the Arab world but instead continuously (re-)produces democracy support malpractices. To better understand this phenomenon, we draw from practice theory and conceptualize EU democracy support as practices performed by a community of insiders who act within a complex constellation of communities of practice. Due to the way in which communities function, decision-makers do not critically reflect on the background knowledge on which they base their practices and thus do not learn how to improve them. This constellation model offers a unique take on non-learning within the EU and in (policy-making) groups more generally. We illustrate the proposed conceptual framework through an empirical analysis of EU democracy support in Egypt, showing that the EU performs practices similar to those before the 2011 Revolution due to its inability to learn..

Abstract: In the aftermath of the Arab uprisings, the European Union’s (EU) relations with the Southern neighbour countries (SNCs) have been reframed in the light of a new élan of democracy promotion. The underlying logic of this approach was to leverage the building and consolidation of democracy and rule of law through enhanced cooperation in terms of more ‘markets, money and mobility’. A sort of mobility-democracy nexus has been assumed by the European Commission as a crucial dimension of the EU’s external relations with SNCs. Within this strategy, Mobility Partnerships (MPs) with SNCs have been identified as a key policy tool for EU democracy promotion. Via original qualitative analysis of European Commission’s documents, MPs, and other migration and mobility agreements that the EU has negotiated with SNCs since 2011, this paper explores how the mobility-democracy nexus has been defined in the Commission’s talks. We critically discuss the effectiveness of this nexus and demonstrate the inefficacy of MPs as a tool to promote democracy by fostering more mobility and regular migration flows. Looking at the content of MPs with three SNCs (Tunisia, Morocco, and Jordan) allows to trace the transformation of EU external relations with SNCs from a principled approach into selective issue-oriented cooperation based on more specific and sectorial policy choices.

Abstract: This paper critically examines the principal instruments employed by the European Union to promote good governance in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) through development cooperation. The main research question is: To what extent do the EU’s development cooperation instruments contribute to good governance promotion in Sub-Saharan Africa? To address this question, the paper begins with a brief overview of EU-SSA relations from a historical perspective. It then reviews the various financial and political development cooperation instruments utilized by the EU to promote good governance in SSA. Next, by analyzing relevant data on EU governance aid towards SSA, the paper aims to provide a comprehensive overview of the characteristics of EU governance aid policies in the region in order to unpack their merits and limits. Finally, the paper critically analyzes the underlining factors behind the mixed outcomes of the EU’s good governance promotion instruments using policy documents, academic articles and various data sources.

Abstract: The European Union (EU) and its member states have played a significant role in South Asia, consequently aligning with its fundamental principles, e.g., the rule of law, respect for human rights and minority rights, good governance, democracy, and equality based on values like inclusion, tolerance, justice, solidarity, and non-discrimination. The EU has always supported the promotion and consolidation of democracy, not only in South Asia but also across the world. In this sense, the study examines the EU’s democracy promotion initiatives in association with its programmes. This study addresses the literature gaps in the comparison of the EU's democratic intervention with references from past and present perspectives. The article further investigates challenges in the region in the context of rising populism and satrapy in South Asia and its neighbourhoods. Afghanistan and Myanmar are the best examples of the current scenario. However, the rise of populist government has already been raised in Europe to challenge a liberal democracy, where positioning the EU’s role in democracy initiatives is questionable in terms of credibility and impactful promises.

Abstract: The European Union's (EU) external governance enjoys significant attention in the literature. Yet its outcomes are usually assessed with reference to strategic documents or scholars' self‐designed criteria. This article contributes to the ongoing debate with a discourse analysis focusing on the perceptions of anti‐corruption reform outcomes in Ukraine by actors on different levels in the EU. Simultaneously, structural factors are incorporated into the analysis. It demonstrates that although constant progress is officially proclaimed by the EU, even technical advisers disagree on how success in this crucial domain is understood and how to measure it. High‐level representatives face a balancing act between conditionality demands, sovereignty limitations and geopolitical considerations. This explains the official signalling by the EU and the development of its rule‐of‐law reform conditionality. The outcome is a potential state of moral hazard and raise the question whether EU external governance has not become a victim of its ‘own success’.

Abstract: This article traces the effects of European Union (EU) normative power on security sector reform in Ukraine. We argue that to get a better grasp of how normative power works in practice, we need to scrutinize more closely the domestic journey of EU norms. This local lens allows us to uncover the inherent contestation involved in the transnational travel of norms, emphasizing the importance of local agency and local conceptions of normativity. We reveal the internal struggle between liberal democratic norms and deeply ingrained attitudes, institutions and behaviours linked to the Soviet legacy. We show how EU democratic norms gradually empower domestic constituencies and overcome domestic structural resistance to change, leading to democratic advances in a sector least likely to reform.

Abstract: This article analyzes the European Union’s (EU) adoption of a liberal intervention approach within post-conflict regions, with a particular emphasis on the Western Balkans, notably Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). The EU’s democracy promotion initiatives in BiH center around priorities such as good governance, bolstering civil society, and safeguarding human rights. However, the efficacy of promoting civil society in nascent political systems raises a crucial question: to what extent does promoting civil society in the context of undeveloped political systems hinder rather than facilitate the consolidation of democracy? Despite the EU’s efforts, influenced by Europeanization and the liberal democratic model emphasizing civil society, BiH faces inherent challenges at the national level. First, this study examines the dual role of the EU in BiH as a “peace governor” and a “democracy promoter,” scrutinizing the intricacies of the EU civil society promotion mechanisms. Then, it analyzes the challenges and repercussions of civil society promotion on democracy consolidation in BiH. The article also addresses BiH’s political and financial dependency on the EU, underlining the implications of Europeanization. It concludes with recommendations emphasizing a balanced integration of top-down and bottom-up approaches alongside BiH’s self-sufficiency as an essential factor in its democratic progression.

Abstract: The European Union's cooperation with Middle Eastern regimes to counter terrorism and prevent violent extremism has received increased scholarly attention following several terrorist attacks in Europe the last decade. Despite the EU's emphasis on good governance, democracy, and human rights to prevent violent extremism in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA), I argue that the Union is in fact declining as a ‘normative power’ as it has prioritised a ‘security first’ centred approach. This article demonstrates how the EU's normative projects have, first, appropriated a logic of securitisation; and second, how the Union downplays democracy and good governance in fear of alienating authoritarian key partners in the region. There are consequently inherent limitations to, and contradictions in, the EU's Counter-Terrorism (CT) and Preventing Violent Extremism (PvE) efforts. These conclusions are based on interviews with EU representatives and implementing partners on the ground. The interviews are complemented by an analysis of the scope and focus of the EU's CT and PvE projects. The findings have implications for our understanding of normative powers’ priorities when facing a perceived dilemma of choosing between its security, on the one hand, and its identity and value aspirations, on the other.

Abstract: This article examines the European Union’s role as a promoter of democracy in the countries participating in the EU’s Eastern Partnership (EaP) initiative. Particular attention is paid to those tools used by the EU to promote democracy in the specified countries, namely: political and diplomatic actions, election observation, international cooperation, EU development assistance for effective governance and civil society, sanctions, various platforms and democracy support funds, and financial support. In order to assess the state of democracy in the countries of the EaP, a number of indices were considered, namely: the Freedom House Democracy Index, the Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index and the Eastern Partnership Integration Index to clarify the correlation between the integration processes of Eastern Partnership countries and the effectiveness of reforms. In addition, the authors used the data of the Normandy Index for 2019-2023, which captures, among others, the state of democratic processes. The research hypothesis states that EU’s influence on the countries of the Eastern Partnership in terms of democratisation is not always effective, due to both exogenous and endogenous factors. The mechanisms applied by the EU should complement/intensify the internal transformations of the EaP countries that foster democratisation.

Abstract: This article discusses the democratic implications of third country incorporation for the EU and for third countries. The more the EU transforms sovereignty in an open and inclusive manner, the greater the scope for third country presence, participation and influence. For the EU, the greater the presence and influence of third countries, the more pressing the democratic incongruence. For third countries, the better included and the more they participate, the less incongruent their affiliation, and the more similar to members they become. These considerations depend on how the EU structures its relations with third countries and the nature of the EU's political order. It is in the EU's internal market and flanking areas that the pooling and sharing of sovereignty is the most pronounced. The conundrum facing third countries and the EU is that the internal market is central to the EU's constitution as a political system.

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