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Abstract by the authors: By invading Ukraine and weaponizing its gas supplies to Europe, Russia has made natural gas what renewable energy used to be: unreliable and expensive. In this perspective, we use the paradigm shift concept developed by Florian Kern et al. to unpack the possible implications of the war for the European energy politics. We argue that the war and the uncertainty around natural gas it has produced will play a major role in the future development of the European energy transition. Reducing energy vulnerability and faster decarbonization will be pursued as the main policy goals, probably at the expense of the further development of the EU integrated energy market under its current design. We may also see more Europe and more state in the energy affairs as solutions to the crisis require levels of coordination and resource mobilization that individual member states or private actors cannot provide. We conclude that the EU has the resources, knowledge base, and determination to turn the crisis into an opportunity. If uncoordinated or mismanaged, however, the European response might make the matters even worse, triggering a political crisis and eventually also a crisis of legitimacy. •Europe is well positioned to break free from the energy dependence on Russia.
Abstract by the authors: Geopolitical risks and environmental policy have become increasingly important in the European Union (EU), which is committed to tackling climate change and protecting the environment. However, geopolitical risks can undermine its environmental policy objectives. Thus, the study evaluates the relationship between geopolitical risks and environmental policy in nineteen EU countries from 1994 to 2020 through panel bootstrap Granger causality. The results show that geopolitical risks significantly influence environmental policy in Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Luxembourg, and Romania. On the other hand, the findings reveal that environmental policy causes geopolitical risks only in Latvia, while there is no relationship in the remaining countries. Therefore, policymakers must develop resilience to geopolitical risks, promote renewable energy, strengthen environmental regulations, and address social and economic implications to reduce environmental policy vulnerability to geopolitical risks. •Geopolitical risks affect ecological policies in Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Luxembourg, and Romania.•Environmental policy causes geopolitical risks only in Latvia.•Policymakers, promote renewables, enhance regulations to cut vulnerability to geopolitical risks.
Abstract by the authors: Energy efficiency is a policy strategy to make energy savings and reduce greenhouse gas emissions in Europe. This paper investigates the passage of amendments to the Energy Efficiency Directive during 2016–2018 as a case study. It focuses on an incident, in which the rapporteur in charge of the energy efficiency file in the European Parliament proposed to re-think the way energy efficiency is defined and measured thus initiating a struggle over the meaning of energy efficiency itself. Drawing on insights from the field of Science and Technology Studies (STS) and work on indicator politics, this paper explores how the meaning of energy efficiency was negotiated through the way it is measured. These political negotiations are used as a case to empirically explore politics of measurement, i.e. practices and procedures through which the conceptualization and measurement of energy efficiency get entwined, and in which a seemingly “technical” discussion weaves together scientific and methodological aspects with political, societal and environmental issues. In this way, the work presented here explores how processes of politicization and depoliticization in the formulation of energy efficiency indicators contribute to bringing about the very governance object that is energy efficiency.
Abstract by the authors: This paper surveys climate and energy policy in the EU transport sector covering the road, aviation, and shipping sectors. We summarise current policies, focusing on the Fit for 55 Package, and link the different instruments being used (e.g. cap-and-trade, tax, mandate, performance standard, or subsidy) to different sources of market failure. Next, we analyse the static and dynamic cost-efficiency of the policies and instruments. We find that they address a range of market inefficiencies, but that there are still a number of aspects that can further improve the cost-effectiveness of current EU climate policies in the transport sector. For example, higher taxes and emission performance standards for aviation and shipping, the right combination of research and innovation investments and learning-by-doing policies, and balancing implicit carbon prices by revising the road tax system and adding congestion tolls and charges. Finally, European policy has important side effects on the rest of the world that need to be taken into account in the selection of policies. This improved set of policies can support a sustainable recovery and reach the European Union's climate targets at the lowest cost.
Abstract by the authors: To fulfil the European Union's (EU) goal of providing ‘Clean Energy for All Europeans', a transformative shift from centralised, fossil-fuel based systems to decentralised systems based on renewable energy sources (RES) is envisaged. Keen to lead the clean energy transition while embedding technological innovation and elements of justice and equitability into the envisioned ‘Energy Union’, EU Member States need their citizens on board as active participants. Prosumerism or self-consumption is an important part of this citizen involvement. While the new EU regulatory framework for energy now recognises civic-inspired prosumer initiatives such as energy communities, little is known about the full range and diversity of collective actors in renewable energy self-consumption as well as how they engage with the changing energy system. This paper presents an exploratory categorisation of the different collective social actors that produce and consume energy from renewable sources, referred to as ‘collective RES prosumers’, aiming to clarify their participation in the energy landscape. We find six categories with different engagement and needs, which we relate to the EU's current framing of collective energy actors. We recommend fine-tuning policies to the different actors to support a true-to-vision transposition of the recently completed Clean Energy Package (CEP).
Abstract by the authors: Az Európai Unió (EU) energiapolitikájának egyik kulcsfontosságú prioritása azon probléma megoldása vagy legalábbis mérséklése, hogy energiaigényének jelentős és egyre növekvő hányadát kényszerül külső, importforrásból biztosítani. Az energiaellátás szerkezetének és arányának meghatározására szolgáló, gyakorta használt jelzőszám az energiaimportfüggőség. A tanulmány röviden feltárja az Eurostat által alkalmazott energiaimportfüggőségi mutató módszertani hátterét és annak feltételezett hiányosságait, továbbá az energiaimport-függőség pontosabb közelítése érdekében részletesen ismerteti a 2000 és 2016 közötti időszakban a 28 uniós tagállam energiahordozók szerinti függőségét és az azokban megfigyelhető tendenciákat, valamint a nukleáris, illetőleg a megújuló energiaforrások importfüggőségének realitását. A szerző ezenkívül a módszertani hiányosságok pótlása céljából kidolgozta és ismerteti - illetve az Eurostat-mutatóval össze is veti - a korrigált importfüggőségi mutatót. A tanulmány (opcionális) kategorizálás segítségével csoportosítja a tagállamokat, amely alapján azok jól elkülöníthetővé válhatnak importfüggőségük jellegzetességei szerint.
Abstract by the authors: Europe is likely to remain reliant on Russian gas in the short term. In the absence of this gas supply, the continent is likely to experience shortages and associated inflation. Immediate solutions include diversification of Europe's natural gas supply and the use of alternative fossil fuels, such as coal, but the latter would come with significant climate costs. Over a longer period, there is more scope for reshaping Europe's energy policy and diversifying its energy supply, but these would come at a cost. Expanding renewable energy capacity within Europe is critical. Fine‐tuning policy to balance climate objectives against the security of the energy supply will be difficult. To ensure energy security and emerge from this conflict greener, the answer may be renewable energy produced in Europe. Investment in renewables in developing countries, particularly in the continent's trading partners, also holds promise, as it would allow more natural gas imports into Europe while contributing to Europe's climate commitments.
Abstract by the authors: This article attempts to offer an expanded concept of energy security taking into account three new perspectives: sovereignty, robustness and resilience. In turn, the evolution of energy security for gas in the Member States of the European Union 27 (EU-27) is studied. To do this, the results obtained from two different methods are compared: a simple indicator (narrow) and another composite (extended) that has taken into account two environmental factors: the availability of resources and greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. The result of the comparison between the evolution of our simple and composite indicator indicates that the energy security of gas in the EU as a whole has been more affected if the narrow approach than the broad approach to energy security is considered.
Abstract by the author: The spike in energy prices and feared natural gas supplies shortage during the winter of 2021/2022 indicate a limited ability of existing energy measures to deliver energy security for the European Union. Moreover, the lack of a common external energy security policy made it difficult for the EU to assume a common energy position towards Russiaʼs invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. While the pace of decarbonisation needs to increase for the EU to achieve its 2050 goals, the Union must support its member states’ energy security (including its external dimension) during the transition period, until it will be provided by domestic low-carbon energy sources.
Abstract by the authors: Meeting the European Union's natural gas demand will require increasing volumes of imports in the foreseeable future. Recognizing the need to ensure uninterrupted and secure supplies of natural gas imports at all times, the European Union (EU) has actively sought to diversify its sources of supply, including obtaining natural gas from Azerbaijan through the Southern Gas Corridor (SGC). In pursuit of this objective, the EU has provided financial support for parts of the Southern Gas Corridor. In this paper, a combination of cost economics and Rational Choice Institutionalism (RCI) framework has been used to explain the policy choice made by the EU to support the SGC. We observe, that the choice of using the SGC as a supply source has been despite the relatively higher cost of delivery of Azeri natural gas into the EU. The motivation for the EU here is characterized by the strategic importance and part of its efforts to diversify sources of supply in the RCI framework. In this context, the EU is delivering energy security services to its member states who in turn have muted their sovereign rights in exchange for a diversity in the source of supply. This is possibly the only study that measures up the economic cost against choices made under RCI in natural gas security literature.
Abstract by the author: The decarbonisation of Western societies requires a fundamental reorganisation of energy supply and fierce debates around the future energy mix have begun in many countries. However, we still know little about how concerns about energy security affect the public's energy preferences in view of the critique that renewable energies might compromise energy security. This paper argues that there is a perceived trade-off between energy security and climate protection that affects energy supply preferences in Western Europe. Using the European Social Survey's ‘Public Attitudes to Climate Change’ module, the findings from multilevel regressions demonstrate that there is indeed a perceived trade-off in energy preferences among Western Europeans. People concerned about energy security prefer coal, gas, and nuclear power over renewable energies. People worried about climate change prefer solar and wind energy over nuclear and fossil forms of energy. The analysis further identifies four different groups representing the trade-off between energy security and climate protection among Western Europeans. The paper thus identifies why energy preferences might collide and why some countries observe a polarisation of views around energy supply that policymakers need to address to realise a successful and publicly acceptable transformation of energy supply. •Energy source preferences reflect a trade-off climate worry vs energy security worry.•Concerns about energy security increase support for fossil forms of energy.•Concerns about energy security drive opposition to renewable energies.•Concerns about climate change increase support for renewable energies.•Four groups in the trade-off climate worry vs energy security can be distinguished.
Abstract by the authors: Environmental research has increasingly recognised the relevance of energy-efficiency behaviours to mitigate climate change. In this perspective, we exploit data from the European Social Survey round 8 (2016) to provide new insights into the main factors leading to the preference for solar power in three European countries – France, Germany, and the United Kingdom. A Structural Equation Model is adopted to assess the impact of self-transcendent values, efficacy beliefs and concern about energy security on such preference. Our outcomes suggest the key role of self-transcendent values in driving preference for solar energy in all the analysed countries. On the other hand, the impact of efficacy beliefs and concern on such preference shows interesting cross-country differences: beliefs are relevant in France and Germany, while concern provides more guidance for French and British citizens. The provided evidence may assist policymakers in increasing the adoption of green energy sources among citizens, sustainably enhancing economic growth.
Abstract by the authors: •Energy security in the EU countries was assessed from two different perspectives.•A new integrated approach based on MCDM methods was used for the assessment.•The level of energy security of EU countries varies and depends on the assessment perspective.•RES-based countries have a high level of energy security.•EU policies need to target decarbonization and increase energy independence. The subject of this article concerns a crucial issue of energy security in the European Union countries, especially during the war in Ukraine. The paper presents the results of a study aimed at assessing the level of energy security of EU-27 countries from two perspectives (for two variants of analysis). The first variant assesses the level of energy security of EU-27 countries, which is derived from a traditional approach related to the availability of energy sources at affordable prices (energy and economic factors). The second variant assesses the level of energy security from the perspective of sustainable development, the so-called sustainable energy security, which, in addition to energy and economic factors, also takes into account environmental and social factors. The multi-criteria nature of the subject matter undertaken determined the adoption of methodology based on Multiple-criteria decision-making methods (MCDM) for the study. Also, the author's integrated approach based on indicator weighting methods and MCDM methods was used. The CRiteria Importance Through Intercriteria Correlation (CRITIC) and standard deviation (SD) methods were utilized to determine indicator weights, and the Grey relational analysis (GRA) and the Technique for Order of Preference by Similarity to Ideal Solution (TOPSIS) methods were used for the core part of the research. Based on the proposed research methodology and the results, rankings of the studied countries were created for the two analyzed variants and the levels of energy security were specified. The research was carried out for an 11-year period between 2010 and 2020. The results showed that the level of energy security for some EU countries depends on the assessment variant. Regardless of the assessment variant, the high level of energy security was found in the Scandinavian countries. It is reasonable to use the presented results when developing a new EU energy and climate strategy, which seems absolutely necessary in the new geopolitical situation that has now emerged in the region. The article should also be regarded as a voice in the discussion on the choice of direction and pace of economic transformation in the context of building a sustainable knowledge-based economy and climate neutrality in Europe.
Abstract by the authors: Since 2015, the Government of the Czech Republic has adopted some decisions that have altered the prospects for coal mining. In 2015 it adjusted its mineral and energy policy by allowing for lignite to be mined in a part of the North Bohemian Basin that was blocked by a political decision driven by the environmental reasons in 1991. An updated state energy policy came into force in 2015, and the government approved a new Mineral Policy of the Czech Republic in 2017. Based on these new data, it is possible to compare the coal mining concept, energy mix, and energy dependence in the Czech Republic with selected EU Member States, specifically Poland and Germany. The analysis shows that the prospects for coal use in the European Union are not only influenced by the amount of coal production in the EU Member States but also by the amount of coal imported to individual EU countries. It is also anticipated that the future of European coal production will not only be determined by geological, mining technology and economic criteria but rather by the increasingly important role of political decisions.
Abstract by the authors: To better understand the recent Polish shale gas “frenzy”, it is pertinent to study (un)conventional natural gas in the broader context of Poland as a post-communist country that has struggled to achieve a meaningful transformation of its coal-dominated energy system. By scrutinising official documents issued by the Polish government institutions between 1990 and 2017, we disclose specific fractures in how the role and scope of natural gas in the energy system have been envisioned in national policies and strategies. We demonstrate that the fractures occur at the intersection of two distinct logics: security concerned with the preservation of existing conditions and transition focused on change in the energy system. We draw attention to the shortcomings of prognostic practices underpinning both security and transition: overestimation in demand forecasts and uncertainty of resource estimates. In the effort to transform the national energy system, Poland's natural gas policy miscalculations have resulted in a substantial demand-side discontinuity and lock-in to one external gas supplier, which exacerbated the country's preoccupation with supply-side security. Yet, Polish high hopes for developing home-grown gas from shales lacked concrete policy visions and were a symptom of long-term stress that has gradually accumulated as the result of supply-demand imbalances.
Abstract by the authors: Russia's February 2022 invasion of Ukraine sent shockwaves throughout Europe and has painfully exposed the continent's dependence on a geopolitical adversary. Energy is closely tied into the ongoing battle: Europe is committed to phasing out Russian fossil fuel imports, whilst Russia, in turn, has cut gas supplies to a number of countries and significantly reduced flows to others. Given historical tensions between delivering supply security and other social goals we analyse what energy policy responses to the crisis so far mean for: environmental sustainability, energy equity and social justice. In doing so, we reveal strong potential for an acceleration of clean energy supply across Europe, complications for fossil fuel phase out, negative knock-on effects for sustainable transitions in the Global South, significant implications for energy equity within and beyond Europe, and a relative return of the state as an energy actor. Reframing energy as a geopolitical security concern has, in acute crisis, tended to obfuscate and/or downplay other energy policy goals, raising a number of difficult questions for policymakers seeking to pursue lasting sustainable and equitable transitions.
Abstract by the author: Between 2014 and 2015, the EU started a new energy policy in order to address, among other issues, the problematic character of energy interdependence with Russia, and thus improve its energy security. The aim of this article is to determine how this policy considered interdependence with Russia in the light of diversification alternatives. Energy security is seen through short-term and long-term dimensions, which can be equated to the concepts of vulnerability and sensitivity interdependence. As the article shows, the alternative of LNG is limited by production and consumption patterns in both Europe and other world markets. It also shows that maintaining interdependence with Russia and reducing the role of transit countries such as Ukraine would yield benefits both in vulnerability and sensitivity interdependence. However, while the EU has strongly based its rhetoric on the promise of LNG, it has ignored alternatives that would maintain interdependence with Russia. Eventually, the EU's energy strategy has acknowledged the limitations of LNG, even though it has not changed its stance towards Russia. In that respect, it seems fair to conclude the EU has not rigorously analysed the transit dimension in its interdependence with Russia and the implications for its energy security.
Abstract by the authors: The Russian gas transit through Ukraine and the possibility of circumnavigating the historically dominant route poses a serious challenge to European gas markets. With the application of market modelling tools, this paper examines Russian export strategies to Europe using different transit route combinations. Although the cessation of Ukrainian transit would not endanger the security of gas supply in Europe, it would result in higher prices in all scenarios. In scenarios that include Nord Stream 2 and TurkStream 2, Ukrainian transit is non-essential for Russia to maintain its current share of EU gas imports. At the same time, the results show that limiting Ukrainian transit is less profitable for Russia: even if all the planned infrastructure is completed, shutting this route would result in losses of close to 5 billion € per year in Russian gas sales. Since it appears inevitable that Nord Stream 2 and TurkStream 2 will be built, a no transit scenario is a real possibility thereafter. In this case the V4 should lobby for Balkan Stream, with investment costs borne by Gazprom. However, if there are continued deliveries via Ukraine there is no need for Balkan Stream.
Abstract by the authors: This article investigates the Russian reaction to the Third Energy Package (TEP) of the European Union (EU). This legislation aimed at integrating the EU’s internal gas market but also became a game-changer for EU–Russia energy relations. The framing strategies through which the Russian regime has made sense of TEP are explored and the entanglement of these strategies with the Kremlin’s claim to great power status – one of the key pillars of its legitimation strategy – are scrutinized. Altogether, three frames are identified. They differ from each other in their depictions of the EU and of the legislation itself. The EU is perceived as a misguided partner, deceptive counterpart, or geopolitical rival, while TEP is viewed as an ill-informed policy, a unilateral decision which disregards Russia’s legitimate interests, or a direct attack on Gazprom and, consequently, on Russia. At least one frame also bears a strong legitimation message as it connects with Russia’s mythology and collective memory. It resonates with Russia’s deeply-rooted desire to be recognized as a great power and posits TEP as an act of rejection through which Russia is denied this status.
Abstract by the author: What role does natural gas play in Russian foreign policy and domestic politics? This article takes an in-depth look at the last two decades of Russian gas policy as a period of change and as a challenge to Gazprom's Russian gas domination over its main market, Europe. Within this framework, the paper focuses on four main themes: 1) Gazprom's position vis-à-vis its domestic competitors, including challenges to Gazprom export monopoly; 2) the changing nature of natural gas markets and its impact on the position of Russian gas in Europe; 3) policy challenges to Russian gas exports to Europe; and 4) Russian gas exports’ pivot to China.
Abstract by the authors: Recent gas disputes between Russia and Ukraine have renewed interest in the study of energy security in the EU. This paper's main aim is to evaluate developments in gas supply security in the EU-27 Member States in the context of the gas crises of 2006 and 2009. Based on a causal classification of energy risks, two dimensions are proposed for a synthetic indicator – a Weighted Energy Security Index for gas – allowing us to gauge the degree of gas supply security in the sample countries. Our findings show that gas supply security in the EU-27 has hardly improved. We found one group of countries in which the level of gas security has actually worsened, another group that has made little effort at improvement, and another consisting only of Latvia in which a greater effort is appreciable.
Abstract by the author: Four interpretations of the EU's energy transition can be identified in Russia's political discourse in 2014–2019 based on the matrix that combines realist and liberal approaches to energy relations and the denial or recognition of climate change. The cross-cutting idea of these interpretations is that Russia follows the market logics, whereas the EU either politicises energy relations or chooses economically unreasonable options. Most Russian actors advance all four interpretations in parallel. A liberal interpretation, which recognises climate change, became dominant towards the end of the examined period. Two main policy options are shaped by Russia's political discourse on the EU's energy transition: maintaining the status quo in EU-Russian gas trade and diversifying Russia's export markets. Russia's political discourse reveals a strong ideational difference with the EU on future energy policies, and Russia poorly engages with the EU's post-2030 planning. It is recommended that the EU improve its energy transition communication with Russia, and Russia is advised to enlarge the range of its policy options by better engaging with the EU's long-term energy planning. Russia and the EU also must examine energy transition in the broader context of their relations. Practical project-based cooperation can contribute to ideational convergence between the EU and Russia on future energy policies.
Abstract by the authors: The interdependencies between the EU and its external natural gas suppliers and Russia question the transformative impact of interdependence linked to hybridisation processes. Our approach combines theories of institutional change and French Regulation Theory. These approaches lead to a new look to characterise the way in which the confrontation of two regulatory systems (European Union [EU] and Russia) is resolved today. The importance of the European market leads however to an adaptation of the Russian governance model for gas exchanges. But it also implies a transformation of the European model. The competitive norm acts as a lever to bring about hybridisation of regulations in the Russian gas sector and EU energy policy
Abstract by the authors: Because of differences in irradiation levels, it could be more efficient to produce solar electricity and hydrogen in North Africa and import these energy carriers to Europe, rather than generating them at higher costs domestically in Europe. From a global climate change mitigation point of view exploiting such efficiencies can be profitable, since they reduce overall renewable electricity capacity requirements. Yet the construction of this capacity in North Africa would imply costs associated with the infrastructure needed to transport electricity and hydrogen. The ensuing geopolitical dependencies may also raise energy security concerns. With the integrated assessment model TIAM-ECN we quantify the trade-off between costs and benefits emanating from establishing import-export links between Europe and North Africa for electricity and hydrogen. We show that for Europe a net price may have to be paid for exploiting such interlinkages, even while they reduce the domestic investments for renewable electricity capacity needed to implement the EU's Green Deal. For North African countries the potential net benefits thanks to trade revenues may build up to 50 billion €/yr in 2050. Despite fears over costs and security, Europe should seriously consider an energy partnership with North Africa, because trade revenues are likely to lead to positive employment, income, and stability effects in North Africa. Europe can indirectly benefit from such impacts.
Abstract by the author: The EU internal and external energy policy has triggered heated debate among policymakers, regulators, academia and industrial stakeholders over recent decades. This study illustrate how the pro-competitive EU led reform in the gas sector have been unsuccessful in shaping both the Internal gas market as well as the gas sector in the Euro- Mediterranean region. The gas sector in Europe is characterised by its inertia and relative backwardness, compared to the other energy sectors (electricity and renewable energy). Since the Russia-Ukraine gas disputes and recent gas discoveries in the East Mediterranean region, matters related to Euro- Mediterranean gas cooperation are back at the forefront of the energy agenda. The changing nature of the EU external energy policy in the Mediterranean region is analysed in this paper by looking at the influence that EU economic interests and approaches had on the southern neighbourhood. Here we show that the political economy of the gas industry requires the development of long-term relationship with exporting countries in the Mediterranean basin (and elsewhere), because of markets' incompleteness. The paper further explores the role that EU actions play as rule promoter to provide a valid template for the emerging regulatory framework in the region. Our study shows that, while the changing relationship with the southern neighbourhood can be described as part of the process of progressive securitization of energy matters, the model promoted with the Internal Energy Market (IEM), and endorsed by the EC also outside its borders, partially contradicts the reference model in the region, fails to provide a valid alternative template and therefore might negatively impact on energy security. Member States’ gas policies appear to have a greater traction compared to the EC, also in consideration of their vast and long-term economic commitments.
Abstract by the authors: After more than twenty years of waiting, the first gas pipeline connecting Russia and China—the Power of Siberia—began transporting gas in December 2019. Although much has been discussed concerning disputes over pricing and the route of this pipeline, the relevant events inside each nation, e.g. China's energy mix transition, its gas pricing reform, the reshuffle of Russia's natural gas industry, etc., that helped catalyze the deal have yet to be fleshed out. This paper analyzes the decision-making behind the deal using the multiple streams framework (MSF) which is well suited for the examination of decision-making under circumstances of ambiguity. Our analysis demonstrates the ambiguous policymaking circumstances for the gas deal and reveals how policy disputes over price and routing paralleled and interacted with the changing political landscapes and shifting problem agendas in both nations before they were coupled together by political leaders in 2014. The insights derived here are also helpful in analyzing other cross-border pipeline deals.
Abstract by the authors: Despite growing concerns over China's Belt & Road Initiative (BRI)'s electricity generation projects, studies analyzing the suitability of such projects to importing countries are rare. Filling this gap, this article assesses the opportunities and challenges of the BRI coal, hydro, wind, and solar power projects. To exploit the full benefits of both qualitative and quantitative approaches, this study uses Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP), which enables quantitative analysis of the qualitative methods of the interviews and of the Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats (SWOT) analysis elaborated via consultation of experts. While the BRI power cooperation is a real chance to offer cleaner and more efficient electricity generation especially in developing countries, more emphasis on sustainable development can better guide the BRI power projects.
Abstract by the authors: Natural gas plays an important role in the global energy system. Thus, optimizing trade in natural gas is a key concern for many countries. This study investigates the value of expanding the Gulf Cooperation Council's (GCC) natural gas grid. We consider the documented successes and failures of the regional gas trade in Europe and Asia and weigh them against a GCC case study. The case study uses a partial equilibrium model of energy production, trade and demand calibrated to 2018 conditions to assess regional pipeline gas trade opportunities. The model incorporates parameters that are relevant to energy policy issues, including fuel allocation and energy price reforms. We also incorporate the regional liquified natural gas (LNG) trade strategy of Qatar, a regional and global leader in LNG production and exports. We find that pipeline gas trade cooperation in the GCC can contribute up to $3.1 billion to the regional economy by reducing transportation costs. More accessible gas offers a substitute for liquid fuel consumption and can offset the opportunity costs of using domestic oil to meet domestic energy demands. We also investigate the influence of an integrated gas market and price reforms on the power trade along the GCC interconnector.
Abstract by the author: This article offers a comprehensive analysis of the global gas and liquefied natural gas (LNG) markets, discussing increasing demand, market volatility, supply and demand dynamics, and the implications of the Paris Agreement on natural gas demand. It emphasizes the potential impacts of decarbonization policies on the LNG market, including changes in energy composition, reduced LNG demand, increased costs, and the need for industry adaptation. The article also examines the future outlook, investment needs, and implications for global gas and LNG markets, highlighting the continued uptake of gas in heavy-duty transport and the importance of investment to avoid supply–demand gaps. Overall, the analysis provides insights into the complex dynamics and challenges facing the global gas and LNG markets in the context of energy transition and climate change mitigation efforts.
Abstract by the author: In this article the author talks about geopolitics of natural gas in the region of Central Europe. Topics discussed The abundance of these resources ensured the basic functioning of the state, as they powered the engines in the factories, and later began to produce electricity to illuminate streets and households and also to heat them, and the impact of geopolitics on natural gas imports in the region of Central Europe, focus on V4 countries - Slovakia, Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic.
Abstract by the author: The policy of diversification of natural gas supplies requires the extension of appropriate energy infrastructure. The V4 countries consume over 42 bcm natural gas a year. The dominant position in the region is held by the Russian Federation, which supplies the gas to different countries at different prices. Hence, the aim of the paper is to determine what role the Baltic Sea region is going to play for V4 countries as an opportunity to break this dominance. An added value of this article is the identification of the policy factors influencing the strategic importance of the Baltic Sea Region in the context of diversification of energy supply sources. The research hypothesis has been put forward that the development of gas infrastructure in the Baltic Sea Region will have an impact on strengthening the geoeconomic space of the Visegrad Group countries. The author will attempt to answer the following research questions: How should the potential of the Baltic Sea be used to strengthen the energy security of V4 countries? In what way should the gas infrastructure between the Visegrad Group states be developed?
Abstract by the authors: ABSTRACT This article discusses the development of Eastern Mediterranean natural gas resources in the context of global energy market dynamics. The focal point of this research is to apply Localization Theory through systematic attention on the mutual interaction between geographical proximity, regional relations, energy geopolitics, and economics to investigate the trade of natural gas. Eastern Mediterranean is a geopolitically important region endowed with natural gas resources. The realization of potential development options and achievements of desired results have been stranded by changing regional and global energy market and geopolitical dynamics, different policy approaches, and existing conflicts. In the current energy context, the global energy market structure is altering with the development of unconventional resources, falling demand, abundance in supply, changing pricing structure, and declining global energy infrastructure investments. The study revealed that decisions about the development of natural resources and export infrastructure are dependent on global energy market dynamics in conjunction with regional geopolitics. Regional cooperation and development of energy policies in line with the careful consideration of global energy market dynamics and energy geopolitics are suggested as the main path to shape the future of these processes. The study also revealed that development and monetization of the Eastern Mediterranean natural gas resources necessitate a pragmatic approach based on realistic expectations and the development of all-inclusive cooperative schemes. Joint development of regional natural gas resources under these cooperative schemes is likely to produce desired solutions for the energy development and monetization process and create economies of scale by keeping costs low.
Abstract by the authors: Price fluctuations, environmental concerns, technological development, unconventional resources, energy security challenges, and shipping availability are some of the forces that have contributed to energy markets becoming more dynamic and complex in the last decade. This research analyzes the global natural gas market (GNGM) situation for the case of the National Iranian Gas Company. Iran as the owner of the second-largest natural gas proved reserves strives to enhance its market share in the GNGM. Recently, international gas markets are gradually evolving from traditional local/regional markets into a more interconnected GNGM. A comprehensive competitive analysis, Porter's five forces, scenario-based planning model is proposed and developed. It assesses the current status and trends associated with the GNGM applying its findings to provide insights into how Iran might potentially expand its share of the GNGM. The GNGM five-forces-based scenario analysis conducted focuses upon and presents: (1) Rivalry among existing participants; (2) Bargaining power of suppliers; (3) Bargaining power of buyers; (4) Threats from new entrants and (5) Threats from substitutes. The proposed scenario-based competitive analysis reveals three key strategies that should protect Iran's position in the evolving energy markets and promote its future share of the GNGM.
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